• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.229-280
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• 2014

This essay focused on the critical review of Korean National Archives System(KNAS) since 1999. We think that KNAS could establish the backbone with basic records law on 1999. It's right. But it is not enough for explaining the full historical growth. there are some factors below the growth. This essay tried to the basic three factors below. That means the the demonstration discourse, archival system practices, and archiving technologies in the contexts of the unique standard by the basic records law. These three factors have been the powerful engine for the take-off of KNAS since 1999. However, the powerful history has shadows of growth. This essay narrated the shadows by the frame of 'counter-destiny'. The most dangerous shadow is the loss of archival cultures because the KNAS has been composed of efficiency mentality. That means that KNAS has no unique archival culture for citizenship. So, this essay tried to talk about 'Post1999' to Archives Community.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.211-218
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• 2004

It was amazing that efficiency of bureaucratic system, when Marx Weber presented theory of bureaucracy. Now, Government and Bureaucratic organization are confronted with a forked road of change. The purpose of this paper is not so much to force choices among the alternative visions of governance but rather to make the choices available to governments more evident. Any choice of paradigms for government and administration is unlikely to be Pareto optimal, but we should be clear about what we receive and what we sacrifice when we make these judgements about governance. Today, government and public bureaucracy must be changed. There are needed an innovation of government and public bureaucracy. It must be changed concepts from government to governance. Governance is a national management.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.8
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• pp.367-375
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• 2009

The purpose of this thesis is to study concept of "the Publicity" in ancient classics in Asia. I refered to Book of Odes( 詩經), Analects(論語), Mencius(孟子), Collections of Chu Xi( 晦華集), Ri zhi lu( 日知錄). This thesis is to classify and reinterpret the concept of "the Publicity". The major types of it are as follows : first, "the Publicity" as the ascendancy of the king in Book of Odes. second, "the Publicity" as hereditary order in Analects, third, "the Publicity" as authority of the king in Mencius, fourth, "the Publicity" as political ascendancy in Collections of Chu Xi, fifth, "the Publicity" as public and private uniformity in Ri zhi lu.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.1-18
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between costumes of court masque and the fashion trend at that time, by the analysis of the portraits. The period in this thesis is from Elizabeth I (1588-1603), until James I (1603-1625), when Inigo Jones was actively involved in court in masque, and when the traits of court masque began to appear in costume. The research material of this thesis is from the papers, costume design sketches, portraits and miniatures. As a result the costume of court masque which is the mixture of that of ancient Greece, Rome, middle age, and the exotic style of Ireland and Persian, had a great impact on the general fashion, and the unique pattern f costume became prevalent in the end of 16th and the early 17th century. This thesis might help us understand and special costume of that age and study the way how it come to have an influence on the fashion of the costume pertaining mainly to the privileged class.

• Information and Communications Magazine
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• v.19 no.11
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• pp.24-31
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• 2002

지금까지 SDR을 비판적인 시각으로 검토해 보았다 하지만 분명한 것은 SDR은 disruptive technology의 기능성을 가지고 있다는 점이다. 현재 domain specific하게 vertical market을 구축하고 있는 구현방식을 horizontal market으로 바꿔보자는 발상으로 전체적인 기술과 시장의 대세와 일치하기 때문이다. 저자의 관점은 SDR을 technology-driven 한발상으로 '일단 SDR이다' 라고 revolution으로 접근하는 것은 옳지 않다고 보는 것이다. SDR이란 Hype이 Real이 되려면 (1) power 소모, co-working과 같은 기술적인 문제들이 해결되고, (2) SDR 도입을 지연시키는 시장 환경이 개선되어야 하며, (3) software download, middleware 나 operating system과 관련된 정치적인 문제들이 해결되어야 한다. 이러한 문제들은 하루 아침에 해결되는 것이 아니기 때문에 market-driven한 관점에서 SDR concept이 기존의 장벽들을 극복할 수 있을 때 하나씩 SDR cencept을 채용해가는 evolution으로 접근하는 것이 중요하다. 앞으로도 Moore의 법칙은 15년에서 20년 가까이 지속될 것으로 전망하고 있다. 이미 Moore의 법칙에 의한 기술발전이 수요를 앞서는 조짐이 나타나고 있는 분야도 있어 남아도는 gate를 어떻게 활용할 것인가에 대해 회사마다 다른 전략을 펴고 있다. 특히 TI가 DSP 기반으로 벌인 다양한 사업전력, Intel이 CPU 기반으로 벌이는 Radio Free 사업 전략은 SDR에 대해 많은 시사점을 던져 준다. MMITS Forum에서 시작하여 SDR Forum 초창기, 현재의 SDR Forum 까지 SDR의 개념은 시장의 반응에 따라 변해 왔고, 일부 기술들은 더 이상 SDR 이라는 그늘에 머물지 않고 독자적인 기술군을 형성해 가고 있다. 분명한 것은 SDR 기술은 시장에서의 도전을 바탕으로 끊임없이 변해왔고 앞으로도 변해 갈 것이다. 지금의 비전이 최종적인 것이라고 섣불리 판단하고, 시장의 기술 흐름을 아전인수식으로 해석하고 만병통치 약을 만들려는 시도는 실패 잉태하고 있는 매우 위험한 발상이다. SDR이 꿈꾸는 세상은 이상향임에 틀림없지만 항상 시장을 주도하는 것은 꿈이 아니라 가격 경쟁력이기 때문이다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.65-92
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• 2009

Political trust is defined as the degree to which people perceive that government is producing outcomes consistent with their expectations. Political trust as a concept has endogenous as well as exogenous characteristics in that it can cause and be caused by other political factors. The purpose of this study is to introduce and evaluate various theoretical perspectives related to the causes and effects of political trust. With respect to its causes, this study focuses on the following five factors: government policies, unethical behaviors of politicians, citizens' penchant for participatory democracy, the public's misperceptions on government, and political culture. On the other hand, this study discusses the impacts of political trust on each stage of political process by paying attention to the following factors: government's governability, election outcomes, political recruitment, and the directions of government policies.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.181-195
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• 2013

This study investigates on emergent process of the library in Republic of Indonesia through historical review. Under the Dutch and Japanese colonial control for around 350 years, library played a role as information control center. After independence of Republic of Indonesia, library was built as a result of government literacy project, but it has not been settled down as a public information center. Therefore, as an alternative activity, community libraries have been constructed to give a books and programs with its local community users in a private sectors. This situation represents that it is urgent to discuss with all society sectors to improve library role as a lifelong learning center and give a way to have a cultural sprit the citizens. The study suggests several policy agendas to improve library's public role in Indonesia society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.