• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2006.04a
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• pp.354-358
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• 2006

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.223-249
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• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to classify OECD countries in regard to levels of supporting fathers' care work. Several meaningful conclusions were reached. First, examining the level of supporting fathers' care work and the strength of the traditional bread-winner model, OECD countries can be classified into 5 different clusters. The result is different from the mainstream typology of welfare states and suggests the new typology of welfare states. Second, the level of supporting fathers' care work and the strength of the traditional bread-winner model were found to be related to total fertility rates and women's labor market participation rates. Third, in regard to the level of supporting fathers' care work, Korea was the lowest among OECD countries. This result points to one of the important reasons to the low level of total fertility rat, and low rate of women's labor market participation in Korea.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.195-229
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• 2018

This study has examined how the welfare system has changed as it has passed through the most controversial period in Korean modern history. The welfare system has changed in a way that adapts to the need for export-led economic growth. Industrialization centered on light industry, which started in the mid-1960s, absorbed the labor force that existed in the rural areas and commodified them, thereby creating a momentum for Korean society to get out of poverty. However, the public de-commodification, ie social security system, adapted to the commodification of the labor force has been institutionalized only in a very limited area and people. Indeed, the de-commodification system was confined to the area directly linked to the reproduction of the labor force. Even so, the target was very limited in the abundance of labor in rural areas. Compulsory medical insurance was rejected because of corporate burden, and industrial accidents insurance was introduced centering on large-scale workplaces. As the Korean economy began to move from the light industry to the heavy industry in the 1970s, the commodificated labor force changed from a low skilled labor force to a skilled male labor force. It is at this time that dual structures have begun to be created between workers employed in export-oriented large enterprises and workers employed in domestic-oriented SMEs. Therefore, the system of de-commodification that supports the reproduction of labor power in response to social risks has also been institutionalized centering on large-scale workplaces.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.103-130
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• 2018

The study aims to analyse Korean Long-Term Care Insurance system in terms of caring justice on the premise that elder care should be included in discussions and policies of care. Caring justice means an ideal of equal sharing duties and rights of care by all citizens. Four dimensions of caring justice(decommodification, defamilialization, degenderization and elderly participation and power) were established for the analysis. The results of the analysis were presented that Korean Long-Term Care Insurance system was maintained by commodificated and gendered care services attempting defamilialization with the exclusion of elderly beneficiaries, which represented typical caring injustice. Policy suggestions were made to realize caring justice: improving the status of caring labour by achieving proper service price and public employment, reorganization of life cycle based caring system integrating children, disabled adults and elders, and developing user-centered long-term care system to guarantee participation and choice of people in caring relationships.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• Korean Journal of Childcare and Education
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.51-79
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• 2013

This study was done to find out how women acquire their work citizenship through work-family reconciliation policies from the point of view of labour right and care right. This study investigated how labour right and care right, established by work-family reconciliation policies, are organized on a national level through the methods of socialization of the care such as the strategies of familization, de-familization, commodication and decommodication because paid labour and unpaid care work can be concretely embodied by such strategies. Actually in the care systems in the UK and Sweden, gender roles related to the responsibility for care was assumed differently. For that reason, the socialization of the care in these countries have been developed in a different way. And different results have been created from the two different countries in labour rights and care righst of man and women. The matter whether a society regards a woman as a laborer or caregiver especially has been an important starting point for the way in which social sharing of care develops. Work-family reconciliation policies stated in this study are very important factors. We can understand that care is not simply a duty of a man or a woman but an important human desire, which has to be granted to both a man and a woman as one of their own individual rights.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.3
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• pp.341-370
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• 2006

The purpose of this paper is to classify and compare 21 OECD countries in regard to the level of support in parents' childcare and work. Several meaningful conclusions were suggested. First, examining the level of support in parents' childcare and work, 21 OECD countries can be classified into clusters different from the mainstream welfare state typology. Second, the level of parents' childcare and work support was high in socio-democratic countries such as Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. Third, the level of parents' childcare right support is not necessarily positively related to that of parents' work in the labor market. As we have seen in the cases of France and Austria, although both countries have relatively high level of parents' childcare and work support, the level of work support in the labor market is low. These results have important implications for Korean family policy in that Korean society has to support both the parents' childcare right and the work right in the labor market.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.2
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• pp.327-354
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• 2007

The purpose of this paper is to compare the family policies of Nordic countries(Denmark, Finland, Norway, and Sweden) from 1980 to 2002. Three meaningful findings were found. First, there are several different characteristics in the family policies of Nordic countries in which the ideal understanding of similarity has departed from the reality. Especially, the differences of family policies have extensively expanded since 2000s. Second, for the last 20 years, all four countries have focused their efforts on expanding parents' (re)commodification rather than (re)familialization. Third, the countries have changed their direction in family policies. For example, Finland has changed from familialization to commodification during the mid-1990s.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.39-67
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• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.