• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• The Korea Swine Journal
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• v.8 no.8 s.84
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• pp.55-60
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• 1986

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.63-92
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• 2011

This paper intends to clarify the characteristics of Seoul Ginoguigut in ritual form. This paper points out three characteristics; materialization of the journey to the world of the dead, direct communications with the dead, inclusive blessings for the dead and the living. Firstly, the journey to the world of the dead is materialized through various ritual processes of Seoul Ginoguigut. This characteristic is prominent in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of shamanism in other regions of Korea. Secondly, in Seoul Ginoguigut the communications of the dead and the living are made through direct dialogues between them through shaman's possession. The communications by direct dialogues between the dead and the living make it easy to accept death as a real fact, and have an effect of recognizing the individuality and uniqueness of each death. Thirdly, the blessings of Seoul Ginoguigut are so inclusive that they cover the dead's safe journey toward the world of the dead as well as the happiness of the living. This characteristic is related to the understanding of death of Korean shamanism that does not separate death and living. These three characteristics are perceived in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of Seoul Ginoguigut. And they give a clue to understand how the death rituals of Korean shamanism have persisted in Korean society.

• Explosives and Blasting
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.1-6
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• 2004

In this study, dimension and scale factor of explosives were calculated. Proper dimension and scale factor were considered. Scale factor of 1/256 was obtained when scaled factor of the length was l/4. This value is similar to the ratio of explosives of model test and demolition structure. It seemed that scale factor of length should be larger than 1/4.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.179-182
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• 1990

This experiment was carried out to determine the proper application time of nitrogen (N) and potassium ($K_2O$) as a additional fertilizer in corn cultivation at Taekwalyong alpine area.Two varieties of silage corn (cv. Suwon 19 and Kangwon local var.) were grown under different top dressing time (4-leaf, 7 leaf and 10-leaf stage) in 1989.Kangwon local variety produced more leaf area and higher dry matter yield than Suwon 19. However,there was no describle differences among application time of N and $K_2O$ fertilizer in both Suwon 19 and Kangwon local variety.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.27 no.12
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• pp.1397-1404
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• 2003

2002년 월드컵 전야제에서는 한국문화를 소개해 세계인의 환호를 받았는데 그 중에는 칠석동 민속축제인 고싸움놀이가 펼쳐졌다. 칠석동 민속축제는 일반 서민복식의 전통복 형태를 보여주는 복식(服飾)을 실제 착용하고 축제를 행하고 있으므로, 점차 사라져 가는 전통복식을 놀이문화를 통해 직접 확인할 수 있다는 점에서 연구가치를 갖는다. 본 연구의 목적은 국제화 시대에 우리 전통문화에 대한 정체성 확립을 위해 시대적 변화에 따라 변해 가는 민속복식을 무형문화재로 지정되어 있는 칠석동 고싸움놀이를 중심으로 시대적 흐름을 통한 고싸움놀이의 전수과정에서 형성되어 온 민속축제복식의 구성과 특성을 살펴보는데 있다. 연구방법은 광주지역인 광산구 칠석동 마을을 중심으로 자료조사와 현장조사를 병행하였다. 자료조사는 민속에 관련된 전공서적과 무형문화재 조사보고서, 행사팜플렛 등을 참고하였고, 현장조사는 고싸움 축제에 참가하여 복식 전반에 대한사진촬영과 마을축제 참여하는 마을사람들을 중심으로 축제복식에 관한 면담조사를 하였다. 칠석동 고싸움 축제복식은 행사가 진행되는 내용에 따라 크게 4가지로 분류할 수 있는데 본격적인 고싸움이 시작되기 전날 밤에 당산나무에 제를 지내는 당산제 복식, 마을의 평안과 고싸움의 흥을 돋우기 위한 농악복식, 고싸움이 시작되기 전에 아낙네들이 손과 손을 맞잡고 둥글게 돌며 화합을 다짐하는 강강수월래 복식, 한해 풍년을 기원하는 고싸움복식이 있다. 칠석동 고싸움 축제복식의 특성을 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 구성면에서는 농경제의(農耕祭衣)와 안택축원(安宅祝願的)을 기원하는 민속놀이축제복식으로 일상생활에 착용하는 복식을 이용한 농경 의례복의 다(多)기능성이 강조된 것으로 나타났다. 둘째, 색상은 우리조상의 백의(白衣)의 상징인 일상복인 백색 위에 오방색을 사용하여 화려하고도 강렬한 원색의 색상조화가 특징적으로 나타났다. 셋째, 형태면에서는 양쪽어깨와 허리선의 면 분할이나 비례를 통해 허리부분의 동작에 따른 유동적인 선이 부각되고 있다. 특히, 평면구성의 단조로움은 흔들리는 몸동작에 따른 고름의 율동미와 축제복식의 착장 방법에 따른 한국복식의 형태미를 보여주었다.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.427-463
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• 2016

This article deals with five main theories about the origin of Yeonwahdae(蓮花臺), a Korean court dance(jeongjae; 呈才) and its transmission process through the age from Chinese Dang(唐) and Song(宋) to Goryo(高麗) and Joseon(朝鮮) in Korea. As a result, it was found that there was a significant difference between Chinese Chaj-u(?枝舞) dance and Korean Yeonwahdae, and furthermore there was an enormous change as it came to Joseon period in the number of performer, costume and music. Therefore, it is seriously necessary to select, restore the main version of Yeonwahdae in each period, and to make an effort to create new version of Yeonwahdae that reflects the spirit and taste of our time. Besides, it is important to inherit the inner spirit of Yeonwahdae as well as its outer appearance. Shortly, the main purpose of Yeonwahdae performance at present should be to reflect the most important, urgent issues of our time thereby to pray the welfare and prosperity of our country.

• KOMUNHWA
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• no.69
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• pp.41-62
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• 2007

This thesis is focused on the bat symbol, especially prevalent crafts’ pattern in late Joseon period on museum collections. For the use and reperception of them, I am aimed for appropriate analysis of bat symbol by co connotation which reflects the characteristics on number.plastic.color symbol. This point of view, bat idea and bat paintings in Joseon period will be the source of meanings to the denotation of bat patterns. In the museum collections, bat paintings and patterns are calculated 324 objects. By functional classification, the bat patterns on dwelling-crafts for the royal and for the people will be discussed. In result, the bat paintings were only a few, however, usually connoted Taoist hermit with super-natural powers.longevity.protector of Lightning-God.praying for long life, which were based on Taoism. Meanwhile the bat symbol of dwelling-crafts for the royal projected the longevity and prosperity of king and queen. By he Five Blessings and good auspices in Ching dynasty, number of '5.4' implied 'Five Blessings', Through the correct recognition of homo-phone, "a bat(蝠, fu)=happiness(福, fu)$\rArr$five bats(五蝠)$\rArr$Five Blessings(五福 )." In the case of bat symbol on the dwelling-crafts for the people, especially its for women, it expressed on the metal-decoration of furniture and paper-crafts. In the metal-decoration, the signified of bat symbol were expellant-evil('guard') that of characteristic signifier, white-silver color, number '1' and 'flying-type'. The bat symbol on paper-crafts for the people signified 'double happiness'.harmony.sons with number of '2', 'Five Colors' and the transformation of 'flying-type'. Accordingly, the bat symbol on the dwelling-crafts for the people marked 'happiness and guard', because the people had concrete cognition the bat symbol as a denotation of 'happiness and 'guard' by itself

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.187-221
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• 2018

The style of performance to contemporary nongak is not fixed in a specific period of time, but in conjunction with the total change in society that has occurred during its long time from traditional society to the modern times. It is important to recognize that the traditional performance art forms that we see and feel today, including nongak, are constantly interacting with the times and are a change in the design that has been shaped in the past. Now, we must get rid of the negative idea that there is some fixed prototype in Nongak. Also, the value and the need for preservation of current Nongak should not be evaluated according to the ' pure genealogy of village descent, ' which was possible only in villages with small population movements long ago. If can get rid of the stereotypes, can greatly expand the view that we read the values of a certain Nongak. Looking away from a few of these traditional fixed perceptions can significantly broaden the view of reading the winning values of some farmers ' songs. In this regard, this report determined the performing style and nature of Changwon's Toichon-noangak through a structural analysis of the Toichon-noangak in contemporary, and discussed the significance of the transmittion of Toichon-noangak. Changwon Toichon Nongak started out as an even-present ritual performance based on the religious nature of the village community and actively exchanged with the economic, social and cultural foundations of the Republic of Korea, which began to accumulate in the modern changes. Generally, the performance style of village Nongak has a combination of characteristics according to the ritual, Dure(collective labor), entertainment, and these three functions. Toichon Nongak is also a village Nongak style and in which of ritual nongak and village entertainment nongak are connected in parallel as one in the big total structure. The origin, background, purpose, and style of towing of Toichon noangak demonstrates that the Toichon noangak is originally ceremonial noangak derived from a prayer style of Dongje. Then, various factors influences are interacting with Toichon noangak within the orbit of modern society, such a style of playing, popular nongak, is believed to have undergone an extended change. Overall, Toichon nongak performance style can be called nongak, which maintains traditional customs and it also has the changed characteristics according to the times of village society.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.105-158
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• 2011

Due to the system of sending selected hyanggi(local entertaining woman) to the government office in Seoul after the abolition of the system of gyeonggi(entertaining woman in capital area) during the reign of King Injo(1595~1649), the kyobang-jeongjae(local dance performed for the provincial government office) had gotten into the court to be performed at the royal banquet as gungjung-jeongjae(court dance), one of which was seonyurak(dance of boating). It used to be performed for finale of the royal banquet in the late Joseon Dynasty and appeared in several uigwes(record for royal banquet) since its first appearance in the wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongri-uigwe, documented in 1795, the 19th year of the reign of King Jeongjo. Considering that the yeoggi(female entertainer) responsible for the court dance, seonyurrak was the seonsanggi(selected entertaining woman from provinces) from the northwestern provincial villages such as Euiju, Ahnju, and Seongcheon etc., we can assume that the baettaragi, one of kyobang-jeongjaes whould have been getting into the court to become the seonyurrak as court dance. The baettaragi, kyobang-jeongjae of northwestern province that affected the development of the court dance, seonyurak was created as performance executed by entertaining women of kyobang(local supervisory office for entertaining women) on the basis of the fact that the envoy of Joseon dynasty to the Ming dynasty could not help but taking a sea route when Amaga Aisin Gurun had a grip on the northeastern area of China during the shift of power from Ming to Qing. There had been a lot of banquets for envoys in the northwestern province because of its geographical feature as gateway to trip to China and the baettaragi used to be performed by entertaining women belonged to local provincial office to consolate the sadness of separation with those who destined to depart to China and to hope for their safe return. The kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi of northwestern province is recorded as performance with sorrowful song to put the pain of parting into work, according to many related documents. It puts together painted boats as props, the march of a couple of dancer dressed up as soldier with marching music called gochiak, the song and musical accompaniment before getting on boat, the dramatic expression of sailing, and the farewell song praying for safe return etc. It turns the situation of dispatching envoys for China by sea into performance with combination of music, song and dance. Created in this way, the kyobang-jeongjae, baettaragi had been performed at the various banquets for envoys departing for China and it affected the formation of court dance or gungjung-jeongjae called seonyurak through the activities of selected local entertaining women. It also exerted influence on other similar performance in provincial area because of the returning home of the selected local entertainers who finished their performance in Seoul and it had been performed with different variation at local banquet including locality in it.