• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.361-384
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• 2010

This paper focused on studies of Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") written by Lee Ik, also known as his honored name, Seong Ho(星湖). Seong Ho(星湖) also had left 10 types of exegetical commentary other than Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書"). The reason for choosing Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") was that the teachings of Kongzi(孔子) were contained in Noneo("論語"). Also when we understand the Analects of Kongzi(孔子) correctly, we will be able to understand other Confucian Canons accordingly. Seong Ho(星湖) recommended Zhuzi(朱子) pronounced Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") as a critical commentary on the Analects. That is because there are no writings that had considered pupils' opinions and all of the various situations as much as Noneo Jipju ("論語集註"). For this reason, Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") could play a role as an excellent text. However, it is not just quality of the book that matters. While reading the main body, there is an author's comment, saying "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." With this short note, the author expressed that "Collected Annotation on the Analects" was not necessarily the best teaching. This is the consequence of 'doubt.' We should be skeptical about the Analects of Confucius. That is not to say that the Analects are unconditionally bad. Seong Ho(星湖) expounded that the beginning students should regard Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") as their textbook, but do not cling only to the disciplines elucidated in the book. Seong Ho(星湖) had written Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") in order to help people to understand Confucius correctly. Although this book was written during his early professional years, Seong Ho(星湖) had grasped the essence of teaching precisely. Then, what is the essence? That is 'Doubt.' Innate factors therein can be correctly understood through 'Doubt.' In this context, Seong Ho(星湖) had made such comment as "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." To understand the opinions of Confucius correctly, this process that being doubtful about the text is necessary. The Analects of Confucius are just similar to a coded message. To know accurately about the code, it is necessary to start from 'Doubt' at the first. Such a "Doubt" shall be a key to decrypt the coded messages further.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.291-319
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is aesthetical inquiry on agreement inherent in the 'Pyeongkunyul of "Siakhwaseong" "Yulryo" is to have come from the 'Taekuk'. as the structure of 'Yumyaungdaedae' which 'represents a "Dosu". it becomes "Habsanweil" and it consists of "HwangjongYul" on it. There are two kinds of ways to "Pyeongkunyul" and "Sambunsonikyul". "PyeongkunYul is characterized by soundly solving the challenges of the "Jueibulban". "Yulryo" is to pursue a 'Hwa' through that "Eum" response each other. The human ear to listen to "Yul" and can be divided "Yul" because the same "Eum" is to meet with one another. The other two 'Eum' at the same time the "Maeknory" is caused by the ratio of the frequency. because "Hwaibudong". In the "DongEum" and 'octave of Eum' is not a "Maeknory" when listening ear of a person 'Dong'. In contrast, "Hwa" is a sound relationship revealed in "12Yul" in "Dong Eum" with the exception of 'octaves of Eum', that is the most easy to hear 4Do(5Do) at "Yulryo" From the point of view for "Joenchecaeyong", 4do forms a pure sound there is no Maeknory, such as "Dongeum", only partial ones in the "12Yul" by "Sambunsonik". 4Do(5Do) in "Pyeongkunyul" although though the "Maeknory" of about times put to 3 seconds to occur, so that makes the perfect "Hwa" in all of the "12Yul" "Yulryo" is apparent to the sound. "YangYul" and "Eumryo" that began from "Taekuk" which must be extended to the same "Eumga" Therefore "12Yul" consisting "Pyeongkunyul" is based on the "Yackry" of "Habsanweil" As a whole to achieve the overall Harmony and based on the As aesthetical on agreement inherent of "Hwa".

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.145-171
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• 2017

This study aims to clarify the meaning of the Anapji which was one of the scenic places of historical interest during Silla Dynasty and of the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which was one of the greatest seven miracles (Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪) through appearance of the Anapji in poems. Anapji lies its original meanings on Anhaji(安夏池) and then it was shortened to Anji(雁池), apji(鴨池) while Dongho(東湖) has also been called since it is located in the South of Gyeongju. As of July 2011, the Ministry of Culture officially renamed Anapji and Imhaejeon Hall Site(臨海殿址) as the palace of Crown Prince-Gyonegju Donggung(慶州 東宮) and Wolji(月池) (Historical Site No. 18) and Wolji became the current name. While pond was made during Munmu of Silla, the name Anapji did not exist. Kim Si-Seup (1465~1471) in the early Chosun period referred to the pond as Anhaji(安夏池) and its name started being called as Anapji in the Geography of Korea (Sinjeung dongguk yeoji seungnam,(新增東國輿地勝覽)(Jungjong 25, 1530). Though modern scholar states that it was being called Anapji since there are always many ducks and wild geese in the pond, they fails to present the literature evidences. The author found the line in the poem -Anapji composed by writer Kim Chul Woo, which means that a wild duck and water bird get in and off the pond on their own and the record saying which means Dong-ho(東湖) from the phrase of Dongho-saw-sar-gi(東湖書社記) of Lee Su In(李樹仁)(1739-1822)-Confucian Scholar of Gyeongju was created due to the fact that many wild geese and ducks are flying over. Based on the facts foresaid, the literature evidences for the name of Anapji are presented in the paper. Anapji is a combined word between the Anapbupyeong(雁鴨浮萍) which is a flooding weed and Dong-do-chil-gue(東都七怪). Dong-do-chil-gue is an ancient form of Modern Eight Scenic Views. Eight Scenic Views -Gyeongju Parlgyong is just well-known as scenic places without grotesque elements Dong-do-chil-gue had before. However, the author also found the passage of Ilseongnok: Records of Daily Reflections saying that Anapji has a clod that is as wide as rock(盤石) and the clod also has moneywort on, which are undulating in the wind and clarified how the Anapbupyeong became one of the one of the greatest-seven miracles Dong-do-chil-gue and why the Anapbupyeong frequently appears in the poems of many writers.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.385-414
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• 2018

In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.9-38
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• 2018

Joseon Neo-Confucianism had important disputes throughout its hundred years of history. Starting in mid-16th century, Four-Seven Dispute focused on 'Qing (情, emotion)' while Horak Dispute that emerged in early 18th century put emphasis on whether people and things have the same 'Xing (性, nature).' These two disputes lasted until late Joseon. In that process, their issues were clearly recognized and consequently, characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism were well demonstrated. With Western power surging in since mid-18th century, Joseon Neo-Confucianism should develop logic to cope with the Western power. One of responding logics was Zhulilun (主理論, theory of reason) in Neo-Confucianism. Diverse discussions particularly on 'Xin (心, mind)' were expansively made. From the notion of Xin Tong Xing Qing (心統性情) that Xin converges with Xing and Qing, an argument that Xin should be seen as 'Li (理, reason)' and another that Xin is basically 'Qi (氣, force of nature)' were up against each other. The academia heated up with issues raised such as whether Xin and Mingde (明德, bright virtue) are the same notion and whether Mingde should be seen as 'Li' or 'Qi', etc. Defining morality dispute in the late Joseon along with Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute as 'three major disputes in Joseon Neo-Confucianism,' this paper focuses on clarifying their status, actuality and significance. Morality dispute was not only a theoretical dispute. It has significance in the aspect of 'topicality.' It directly and indirectly affected movements against Western and Japanese power, loyal troop's activities and independence movement as well. Compared to Four-Seven Dispute and Horak Dispute, morality dispute is more complex and expansive. In addition, it requires systematic organization of data. Intercomparison of three major disputes is one of key topics to determine characteristics of Joseon Neo-Confucianism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.259-294
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• 2014

The key concept of political thoughts of Confucianism is 'Tian(天)=the Heaven' and 'Ren(人)=the Human being'. In particular, the meaning of 'the Heaven(天)' is profoundly exclusive in Confucianism in comparison to the other concepts. It is because that 'the Heaven' is connected with 'Ri(理)' which explains the human being and the heaven metaphysically, and the discussions about those concepts have also been widening to the political field. And if the concept of 'the Heaven's nature(天命)' is excluded, it is difficult for us to discuss the essence of political thought of Confucianism. This paper argued how the politicalization of 'the Heaven' which was private dimension of monarch in the strict sense, changed to the public dimension of people in Japan in the early 18th century through some theories of the two famous philosopher, Ito-Jinsai(伊藤仁齋) and Ogyu-Sorai(荻生?徠) who belonged to the 'Kogakuha(古學派)'. The doctrines of Chu-tzu(朱子學) has hold absolute authority over the history of the oriental political thoughts. But the authority have gone through the stage of disorganization in a unique space called Eto(江戶) era of Japan. Therefore, the interpretations and concept establishments in a new dimension are naturally formed in that periods about 'Min(民)=People'. Based on discussions like this, the purpose of this paper is to study how those movements are emerged in what kinds of thinking and debating process. In part of Ito-Jinsai, this paper have reconsidered the concept of 'People' which Jinsai had thought and examined closely with critical mind about 'In(仁)=Mercy'. In case of Ogyu-Sorai, this paper have argued his political theory of 'the welfare of the people in the nation(安民天下)', in clarifying with the concept of 'the Roads of the Saint(先王의 道)' and the meaning about his declaration that "the Six Scripture(六經) is things(物)". The meaning of political view of this two philosopher is in the point to suggest some kinds of cure for problems of those days with the former days values. In the Jinsai's doctrine, that cure is 'the realization of the rule of right(王道)' based on new interpretation of 'Mersy'. And in case of Sorai, that is a form of independence of politics from morality based on 'the Roads of the Saint'.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.269-303
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• 2016

There are two ways of viewing the Taoism of the Joseon dynasty. One is to view it from the point of view in Joseon, another is to view it from the outside of Joseon, i.e. foreigners' point of view. Maurice Courant(maurice courant,1865~1935)'s Bibliographie Coreenne is the Korean first bibliography(書誌) recorded from the latter's point of view. This research examined the Taoist scripture in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne. Maurice Courant classified the Taoist scripture of the Joseon into three: '1. Sacred books(經書類)', '2. Worship of Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君), Munchangjegun(文昌帝君), Buwoojegun (孚佑帝君)', '3. Various works'. Through this category, it was determined that the belief in three gods (Gwanseongjegun Munchangjegun Buwoojegun) was widely prevalent in the Joseon dynasty in the late 19th century. In the chapter 1, he composed the books of representative Taoist scripture as Lao-tzu and Chuang-tzu, 'God(太上)', and 'King of heaven(九天上帝)'. Maurice Courant determined in chapter 2 that 1890s' Joseon Gwanwoo (關帝) belief was activated, and mentioned 'Musangdan(無相壇)', namely, Joseon's first religious organization. However, he could not determine that the scriptures relevant to three gods were recorded to be divine revelations uttered by gods. 19th century's 'Musangdan' was not introduced by being imported with Chinese Taoist scripture, but was published with the Joseon Taoist scripture through Gangpil(降筆: recording divine revelations uttered by gods). Also, through Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, the point that 'belief in three gods' was prevalent in the social leader group during that period could be determined. The reason how such research could be possible seems, because Maurice Courant had Korean assistants who were good at Chinese classics. In chapter 3, Maurice Courant arranged the books based on Taoist ethic and the scriptures on Taoist social practical movement. Through the interpretation of Taoism bibliographies included in Maurice Courant's Bibliographie Coreenne, first, it could be determined that belief based on the three gods(三聖信仰) was prevalent during the 19th century, second, there were lots of the Taoist scriptures made in the late Joseon, third, the first Taoist religious organization and Taoist social movement form could be investigated.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.291-325
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• 2014

This study is about examining the changing process of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty. For this, it was compared with book of national rites. This paper will outline the differences of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven between Korea and China and its reason for changing process. Also, it shows the understanding of the historic characteristics of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through analyzing conducted religious service. Following methodological approach was used to achieve the aim of the study. The study includes historical changing process and basic ritual of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven from Koryo dynasaty to King Sejo period through various chronicles and books of rites. Understanding the trend transition of operating commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is expressed differently based on the situation in those days even though it is the same operation of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven. The existing study only primarily considered the rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through the resources within the country. However, the process of settlement of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is closely related to settlement of Confucian formality. As the problems cannot be solved if institutional changes are researched only though the resources within the nation, this following study also considered the transition of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in China for sure. Through this approach, the study understood how China's rites of worshiping heaven settled down and formed in Korea and found differences of the rites of worshiping heaven between the two nations by comparing China's book with ornamental "seal" characters throughout many generations. Furthermore, it also illustrated historical characteristics of rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty by analyzing carried out religious service. Although it seems like there are many similarities of Chinese ritual procedure between Koryo dynasty and Chosun dynasty, there are existing significant differences in the context. Moreover, it is clear that there are differences of ritual between Tang, Song, Ming dynasty. These differences are directly connected to Korea and also with transition of king's power. Generally, Tang and Song dynasty show similar trend whilst Ming clarifies the differences between the two. For instance, there are differences between deep bow and superintendent of cho-hun, a-hun, and jong-hun. Transition of configuration is also one of the major differences. Changing of configuration has considerably important meaning refer to status of king's power. Analyzing specific features, such as size of altar, ancestral tablet, people who participate in sacrifices, okpye, configuration, and etc., made possible to consider the actual differences, not just examining different features of vaguely. Based on this foundation, the study closely examined the differences among the periods between the nations and gave the significance of the differences.