• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.74-95
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• 2024

A vast body of inscribed bricks has been found connected to the mid-fourth-century Tomb of Jang Mui in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province. After several inspections of the bricks conducted at the National Museum of Korea in 2023, these inscribed bricks were grouped into ten types. This paper interprets in detail the phrases written on these bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui in an attempt to understand their characteristics and intentions. This detailed interpretation facilitates a rough understanding of how each phrase relates to the others and in what order the phrases would make full sentences. In terms of their contents, these inscribed bricks are presumed to have been produced to convey information about the construction of the tomb to viewers on the outside. In particular, they relate that a narrator referred to as a Jubu official named Jo was involved in the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui. They can be compared to the inscribed bricks created in China during the Western Jin and Eastern Jin Dynasties that were produced not by family members of the tomb occupants, but by figures who participated in the construction of the tombs based on political and social connections to their occupants. During the mid-fourth century, funeral practices in the former lands of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies followed Chinese traditions with the permission of Goguryeo Kingdom. Many of the artifacts found inside these Chinese-style tombs and introduced to the public, including the murals, ink inscriptions, and inscribed bricks, are related to the desire of the family members of the tomb occupants to strengthen their bonds and to share emotions and goals with settler groups. The contents of the inscribed bricks discovered from the Tomb of Jang Mui can be observed in this context.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.33-69
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• 2019

In this article, I would like to pay attention to the changesofShaman's play as a part of examining the process of changeofDonghaeanbyeolsingut. Currently, Shaman's play can be seeninBaekseok2-ri, Byeonggok-myeon, Yeongdeok-gun, Gugye-ri, Namjeong-myeon and Yeongdeok-gun. Among them, ShamanRitual of Baekseok2-ri is short in cycle and easy to see change. InShaman Ritual of Baekseok2-ri, various Shaman's plays suchasJungdodukjabi(중도둑잡이), Wonnimnori(원님놀이), Talgut(탈굿), Mallori(말놀이), Hotalgut(호탈굿) and Georigut(거리굿) areperformed. Shaman's play carried out in Donghaeanbyeolsingut changesevery time it is carried out. Depending on the degree of change, itcan be classified into passive change and positive change. Whilepassive changes are improvisational, aggressive changes areintentional. Shaman's plays are jungdodukjabi, Mallori, Hotalgut, which are the improvisational changes, and the intentional changesare Wonnimnori, Talgut, Georigut. The biggest change in Shaman's play is the disappearance of the Shaman Ritual. The Shaman Ritual is suspended due to lackofpeople, financial difficulties, religious conflicts or rational accidents. Secondly, the period of separation is shortened or shortened. Thiscauses Shaman's play to be dropped or shrunk to change. InShaman Ritual, changes in Shaman's play are variable andcreative. The change due to the intervention of the spectatorsismainly improvisation. On the other hand, the change bythepreliminary plan of the acquaintance is intentional, and the changeis large. The changing factors of Shaman's play are influenced bythedemands of the times and the recognition of the tradition group. Changes in the traditional environment can be attributed to lackofhuman resources, individualism, changes in the workingenvironment and time constraints. At the same time, givingautonomy to traffickers is a major reason for Shaman's playtochange.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.49
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• pp.25-52
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• 2017

As the expansion of the cultural industry expands, various competitive structures are formed and the methodologies for producing commercial success are being discussed. Among them, Hollywood studios use political relationships and apply ideologies that can produce the best interests. Also, they use a structure that can convey this ideology, which is a mythology. The myth has satisfied the public for a ling time. Campbell suggested that strategies come from the myth, and the ideology emerged as a result of what mythology has to do with existing powers. Disney and Dream Works use the mythology and combine their own values into ideology. Disney and Dream Works choose conflicting ideologies in a different growth background. If Disney is recognized as an educational animation by the ruling class, Dream Works are supported by the public for their actions against Disney. Disney has conservative and patriotic personality, Dream Works is more liberal and progressive. Disney's structure came out first, and Dream Works parodied it. So we can compare Disney and Dream Works with similar myths to create a storytelling structure that embodies ideology. As a result, Disney and Dream Works have been choosing the 9 stages the key of Ideology form the 17 stages of the mythology and reduced them to the introduction, growth and completion. In the first units of the introduction, Disney dealt with the subject of social leaders who sacrificed to the ruling class and Dream Works hinted at the overthrow of the ruling class through the irony. If Disney had deployed colored races in the main characters, Dream Works used a variety of races from the main characters to others. In the second units of growth, Disney organized the process of accepting the value of the ruling class, and Dream Works showed the individual values, not the values of society. In the third units completion, Disney showed the main character who live in the world of the ruling class rebuilded, and Dream Works removed the ruling class and went back to the Individual life. Through the structure of Disney and DreamWorks, we learned how to utilize the mythical structures that transform according to ideologies. The right way to organize works will require the strategic approach to storytelling.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.33-56
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• 2015

Trauma studies have provided useful models for dealing with the catastrophic and disastrous events that an individual and collective group experience. Most important of all, the perspective of post-structuralist trauma study, including Cathy Caruth, became a paradigmatic model and it has been applied to almost all contexts of life. The perspective of this study model, which is called an "event-based model of trauma," focuses on the literal registration of the traumatic event and the accurate and immediate recall of the past. The person directly involved in the event becomes the passive bearer transmitting the truth of a traumatic event. From this perspective, the traumatic subject only undergoes and endures the event and cannot play an active role in constructing trauma and dealing with it. Eventually, the truth of trauma has to be obtained at the cost of the traumatic subject's autonomy and the possibility of his/her agency. The problem here is that the truth, which is reencountered through the literal return of the past, obtained at the cost of the subject's autonomy, strikes a rather fatal blow to the person, than gives help for resolving many of matters surrounding traumatic experience and curing trauma. This suggests that the active way of dealing with trauma on the part of the traumatic subject, rather than the traumatic event itself, is demanded. Furthermore, because more recently, images of disastrous events were viewed "live" by audiences and an immediacy to the event is replicated in public discourse about them, the event becomes more immediately traumatic and there is a more strong presumption that people regard themselves as traumatic victims than before. This is the reason that we must explore an active way dealing with trauma on more human position at this time. This essay aims to examine the limits of the paradigmatic model of trauma study, an "event-based model of trauma," critically through a literary, theoretical text in which it reveals how the literal return of the traumatic past have a fatal effect on the victim; and hopes to suggest "the narrative memory" as a way to deal with trauma from a more humanistic perspective.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.44
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• pp.1-31
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• 2016

In this thesis, the movie with mise-en-scene established was compared with the peculiarity of the play that is the etymological source of the term to identify the peculiarity of mise-en-scene which was substituted into animation to find the peculiarity of mise-en-scene in animation. To emphasize the direct connection between the frame's visual peculiarity and the director's opinions, the mise-en-scene of director centered animation created under a restricted environment was reviewed. Mise-en-scene which started from movie critics theory does not simply mean the arrangement of images in a frame. Mise-en-scene emphasizes the exposure of the work's motive by the visual components. The animation's assuming the middle point of environmental share possessed by play and movie when schematizing the genre peculiarity of animation, play and movie was a noteworthy result. It can be said that the cause is that the animation's peculiarity yield different results depending on the making methods; we verified that this is a key factor in the analysis of animation's mise-en-scene. I emphasized that the peculiarity of animation mise-en-scene is in its making method and material and suggested identifying the work's making methods and analyzing the work's aesthetic results derived in this way. The russian animation which was perceived as peripheral arts was relatively free from the burden of censorship while receiving support from the Soviet as a media for propaganda. The russian animation's mise-en-scene which found the material for its works in the country's folklore was metaphorical, focused on new expression forms and achieved experimental elements. Russian animation pursues a unique aesthetic world through space expression based on the forms of opera or ballet and heavy motions formed static inbetweens.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.125-149
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• 2012

This study explores the formational process of KBS PD's professional identity in the 1970's, focusing on everyday work and workplace for program production. In terms of salary and social-cultural status, a television PD was not a desirable occupation in the 70's. Since the beginning of radio broadcasting, production of culture and education programs had been sub-categorized under Programming Division. Also, it has been claimed in several researches that in the 70's, the production of education and cultural programs had visibly grown owing to the political necessity of policy PR and campaigns, and the introduction of new broadcasting equipment and technologies for producing the mentioned political campaign programs. However, this study argues that the main force that led to such developments was the cultural practices and the production spirits of the KBS PD's. These PD's trained themselves in production workplace from the bottom by assisting film directors and learning from cameramen about the film making and post-production process. Moreover, in the transitional phase from film to magnetic tape recorder, they established themselves as main subjectivities of production by developing Division of Culture and Education as a specialized and independent sector. The "program production spirit and DNA" that evolved from the experiences of working in poor production environment served as a force for developing professional and self identity. However, the culture and education PD's of the 70's were still tied down to the limited roles of simply providing technological and productional 'professionalism' within the hegemonic structure of the strong state. As with the members of any other social domain at the time, PD's had restricted roles to play and putting in effort and competing to create better programs was the only 'freedom' that was allowed. This study argues that under such condition, KBS PD's implemented two strategies to construct their own professional identities: one was to distinguish themselves from official broadcasters, and the other was to distinguish themselves from commercial broadcasters. Unfortunately, ethical practice as a professional became nothing more than an issue of personal morality and broadcasting's public responsibility was lost under the shadows of commercial broadcasting.