• Title/Summary/Keyword: 집거지

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Small Business of Korean Chinese : The Case of Two Korean-Chinese Enclave Economy in Shenyang City (조선족의 자영업 활동 : 심양시의 두 조선족집거지경제를 사례로)

  • Lee, Dong-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.14 no.5
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    • pp.507-520
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    • 2008
  • The two districts, 'Xita' and 'Manrong' in Shenyang City, the cases of this study, form ethnic enclave economies revolving around small business enterprises run by Korean Chinese. This ethnic enclave economy appeared as Korean Chinese came to have 'double ethnic resources'-Korean Chinese and Koreans living in China, and to play the role of middlemen. This was helped by the Chinese government's encouragement(to attract the capitals of South Korea), and the experiences of Korean Chinese who had played in South Korea. This 'double ethnic enclave economy' has put Korean Chinese in a position where they cooperate with Koreans in China on the one hand, but are forced to compete with them on the other. For the development of a Chinese Korean economy, therefore, it is needed to enhance the cooperation with Koreans living in China within the ethnic enclave economies and at the same time to increase economic activities outside of the enclave economy.

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The Social Construction of Place Name as a Landscape Text (지명(地名)과 사회집단)

  • 권선정
    • Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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    • 2004.05a
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    • pp.82-82
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    • 2004
  • 지명은 사회집단간의 권력관계를 반영하는 사회적 구성물로서 지리학적 해석 대상이 될 수 있다. 한국의 전통사회에서는 특징적인 사회집단으로 성씨집단과 촌계조직( 두레 등) 등을 확인할 수 있는데, 본 발표는 과거 회덕현(회덕, 현재의 대전광역시 대덕구 일대) 지역에서 중심적 위치를 차지하고 있었던 은진송씨와 관련하여 그들의 세거지였던 '송촌'을 사례로 지명과 사회집단간의 관계를 살펴보고자 한다. (중략)

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Population Movement of Korean Chinese and Its Impacts on Their Communities: A Case Study (중국 조선족 대이동과 공동체의 변화- 현지조사 자료를 중심으로)

  • Kwon, Tai-Hwan;Park, Kwang-Sung
    • Korea journal of population studies
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    • v.27 no.2
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    • pp.61-89
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    • 2004
  • 1990년 이후 중국 조선족 사회는 급격한 변화의 소용돌이에 휩싸여있다. 그 핵심에는 조선족 공동체의 총체적인 재구조화가 자리하고 있다. 조선족 집거지로부터 대규모의 이촌 현상이 나타나고 있으며 동북3성에 집중되어 있던 조선족은 전 중국으로 흩어지고 있다. 이러한 조선족의 이동은 조선족 공동체의 해체현상으로 이해되는 경향이 있다. 이 연구는 바로 인구이동이 조선족 사회와 공동체에 어떠한 영향을 주는지에 대한 물음에서 출발한다. 그리고 영향은 이동의 기원지인 농촌과 다양한 목표지의 현황과 조건, 이를 둘러싼 사회경제적 상황을 중심으로 다룬다. 이를 위해 사례연구를 실시하였으며, 필요한 자료는 선택된 마을의 방문과 현지에서의 심층면접을 통해 수집하였다. 연구의 결과는 조선족의 대규모, 원거리 이동이 조선족 공동체의 해체를 뜻하는 것은 아니라는 점을 명백히 보여준다. 인구유출로 도시 또는 조선족 중심지에서 떨어진 농촌 마을에서 공동체의 해체는 빠른 속도로 이루어진다. 그러나 조선족은 새로운 목표지에서는 새로운 유형의 집중현상을 보인다. 한마디로 조선족의 이동은 조선족 사회의 도시화의 경향과 함께, 보다 넓은 지역으로의 공동체의 분산과 공동체내에서의 높은 민족 집중성을 특징으로 전개되고 있다. 또한 조선족 도시 공동체는 거주지역의 격리보다는 민족성을 기초로 한 문화적 정체성에 대한 강조를 특징으로 한다.

Reading 'Little Manila' along Daehangno : Exploring the Conceptualization of Transnational Spaces (대학로 '리틀마닐라' 읽기 : 초국가적 공간의 성격 규명을 위한 탐색)

  • Jung, Hun-Joo
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.16 no.3
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    • pp.295-314
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    • 2010
  • The paper attempts to balance the discourses of transnational spaces that have focused on de-territorialization, by emphasizing that transnational spaces are maintained also through re-territorialization. Reviewing the literature of transnational social fields, translocality, multicultural spaces and transnational places, I aim to show the way the main issues from the literature help understand an actually existing transnational space, Little Mania in Daehangno, Seoul. I specifically address the dialectic relation between de-territorialization and re-territorialization, multi-scalar networks, and hybridity of multicultural spaces in interpreting the weekend enclave of Filipinos in Seoul. I argues that Little Manila is a grounded translocality operating through multi-scaled networks of various actors. Furthermore, it is not a unified space where one dominant Filipino identity stands out. Different Filipinos and Filipinas constitute the space imagining different homes. It is also a multicultural space open to other minorities, which suggests the possibility of alternative spatial politics based on co-presence of different 'Others'.

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The social historic meaning of Gangneung-Ojukhen in Joseon Dynasty (강릉(江陵) 오죽헌(烏竹軒)의 조선시대 사회사(社會史)적 의미)

  • Lee, Sang Kyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.48 no.2
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    • pp.64-81
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    • 2015
  • The Treasure No.165 of Ojukhen is a separate house(別堂) which was still remained as a gentry house in the earliest day. The formative aspects have the important meaning as the history of Korean architecture. Specially the place is famous for Shin, Saim-dang(申師任堂) gave birth to Yulgok(栗谷) Yi, I(李珥). The house was built by one's family of Gangneung Choi clan(江陵崔氏) but Son-in-law inherited the house because there was the practice of inheritance by equal distribution and the mother of Shin, Saim-dang, Yongin Lee clan(龍仁李氏) inherited Gwon, Cheo-kyun(權處均) who was her hrandson under the condition of looking after the tomb. The reason why house name was Ojukhen is that Gwon, Cheo-kyun's another name is Ojukhen. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed the change of practicing inheritance and ancestral rites. Ojukhen has the special relationship of one's grandson and did not have such of immediate family. This is because there were customs husband had to go to married woman's house and live there during short time. Yongin Lee clan and Shin, Saimdang has lived in the Ojukhen. Yongin Lee clan lived there after marrying. Shin Saimdang also spent a time of living her house after marrying and his son(Yi, I) was born in the place. Yi, I spent their time under Yongin Lee clan and one's mother's parents. Therefore he had a good relationship with his maternal grandmother. This is why his maternal grandmother became a descendant offering sacrifice to his ancestors. The reason why Gwon, Chen-kyun looked after the tomb of Yongin Lee clan was also Gwon, Hwa(權和) became sonin-law who lives with his wife's family. Ojukhen is the showcase of finding the marriage and living manage in the early Joseon Dynasty. The most village of Buk-Pyeong(北坪村) in the Gangneung called by Yi, I's one's mother's parents' home. Since after, the place was changed as the clan village immediate family of Andong Kwang clan(安東權氏) of Gwon, Cheokyun of Chumilgong family(樞密公派). After 17C, there were social historic changings focused on relative group. Ojukhen was the start of changing the clan village. Ojukhen is cultural properties which showed inheritance, relative, marriage in the turning point of Joseon Dynasty.

A Structural Equation Modeling of Internalizing Problem Behaviors of Korean Chinese'left-behind'Children in China (중국 조선족 유수아동의 내재화 문제행동에 관한 구조모형)

  • Hyun, Mina;Park, Jisun;Shin, Dong-Myeon
    • 한국사회정책
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.153-185
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the actual conditions and causes of the problem behaviors of Korean Chinese'left-behind'children in China in order to propose a support system to prevent problem behaviors of them. For this purpose, a questionnaire survey was conducted on 399 children who attend at three Korean Chines schools in Yonbian in China. The questionnaire consisted of general characteristics, internalizing problem behavior, social support, self-esteem, and self-resilience. This paper analysed the survey data by employing one-way ANOVA and a structural equation modeling. It verified if there is significant difference in internalizing problem behaviour, self-esteem, self-resilience, and social support between left-behind children's group and non left-behind children's group. It also identified a structural causal relationship and direct or indirect effects among problematic behaviour, self-esteem, self-resilience, and social support. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, there was a statistically significant difference in the social withdrawal and depression of internalizing problem behaviors between left-behind children's group and non left-behind children's group. Second, the left-behind children's group showed no significant difference in self-resilience and social support compared to non left-behind children's group, but showed a significant difference in self-esteem. In the positive self- esteem factor, non left-behind children's group showed much higher score whereas left-behind children's group was higher in the negative self-esteem factor. Third, social support for left-behind children's group has a statistically significant direct negative effect on internalizing problem behaviors, and indirectly negative effects on problem behavior through self-resilience. These results suggest the necessity of establishing a social support system for mitigating and preventing problem behaviors and the necessity of preparing measures to improve self-resilience. Based on the results of the study, we discussed how to establish a social support system in China to mitigate internalizing problem behaviors of Korean Chinese left-behind children.

A Study on Maewoldang, Kim Si-seup's Maniac Tendency (매월당(梅月堂) 김시습(金時習)의 '광자(狂者)' 성향에 관한 연구)

  • Jo, Min-hwan
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.35
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    • pp.331-358
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    • 2020
  • This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.