• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2022.10a
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• pp.16-21
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• 2022

사전학습 말뭉치는 위키백과 문서 뿐만 아니라 인터넷 커뮤니티의 텍스트 데이터를 포함한다. 이는 언어적 관념 및 사회적 편향된 정보를 포함하므로 사전학습된 언어 모델과 파인튜닝한 언어 모델은 편향성을 내포한다. 이에 따라 언어 모델의 중립성을 평가할 수 있는 지표의 필요성이 대두되었으나, 아직까지 언어 인공지능 모델의 정치적 중립성에 대해 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 척도는 존재하지 않는다. 본 연구에서는 언어 모델의 정치적 편향도를 정량적으로 평가할 수 있는 지표를 제시하고 한국어 언어 모델에 대해 평가를 수행한다. 실험 결과, 위키피디아로 학습된 언어 모델이 가장 정치 중립적인 경향성을 나타내었고, 뉴스 댓글과 소셜 리뷰 데이터로 학습된 언어 모델의 경우 정치 보수적, 그리고 뉴스 기사를 기반으로 학습된 언어 모델에서 정치 진보적인 경향성을 나타냈다. 또한, 본 논문에서 제안하는 평가 방법의 안정성 검증은 각 언어 모델의 정치적 편향 평가 결과가 일관됨을 입증한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Journal of Korean Society of Transportation
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.35-47
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• 2004

Using data envelopment analysis, this paper annually estimates Malmquist total factor productivity indices and decomposes them into productive efficiency change, technical change, and scale change components for three publicly-owned rail transit properties: the Seoul Subway Corporation(SSC), the Seoul Metropolitan Electrified Railways Sector of Korea National Railroad (SMESRS) and the Busan Urban Transit Authority (BUTA). The paper then conceptualizes that the property produces a single output(car-kilometers) using four inputs(labor, electricity, car and maintenance, and track) and uses unbalanced panel data consisted of annual observations on SSC, SMESRS and BUTA. The results show that the average annual growth rate of productivity of the three properties is 6.6 percent, which is 0.5 percent less than the average annual increasing rate of their labor price. They also show that the greatest part of the growth in productivity is explained by technical change and to a lesser degree by scale change and changes in productive efficiency though each of the three components contributes more than 20 percent to the growth in productivity, These results suggest that the three properties should base the increasing rate of their wages on the growth rate of their productivity and utilize existing technologies more efficiently prior to introducing new ones to raise their productivity, and that all the three components should be considered to evaluate their productivity more correctly.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.25 no.12
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• pp.279-291
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• 2020

It has already been a few years since the word Fintech in Korea started to attract attention. These days, they believed that Fintech was just a boom, but these days it is recognized as a catalyst for financial transformation. Large venture companies are also launching demonstration experiments by creating new organizations that can respond to Fintech. It feels like a big tide is coming to the cautious and conservative financial industry. Finance is made up of digital information. Fintech is an evolutionary process in which finance, expressed by digital information, is transformed into information technology (IT) and human economic activities are reorganized. It is FinTech. You won't be able to understand the real effects of Fintech by sticking to individual applications like remittance payments or household account book services. Fintech is an innovation that changes the structure of economic activity itself. In fact, it is from now on that a big impact will come. In other words, now is the time when we are thinking of a dream that we have not yet dreamed of. In this paper, I will examine how fintech originated, spread to Korea, and how it intends to change Korea's finance in the future. Financial institutions have used the fruits of information technology advances in the direction of pursuing stability and stability, without major changes in the way they work. However, the movement of Fintech that started in Silicon Valley in the United States shows that the fruit can be used in other directions. The fruit of technological progress is expected to expand year by year in the future. It is a request of the times to use it to improve user convenience and to pursue innovation that is beneficial to society. We expect the flow of Fintech to accelerate innovation in the Korean financial industry.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.8
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• pp.19-33
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze on the changes of opinion in terms of Sejong City construction using big data. The research data are newspaper articles related to the argument of construction in Sejong City. The newspaper article data was reported by Hankyoreh, Dong-A Ilbo and Hankook Ilbo. The arguments related to the construction of Sejong City was included the new administrative capita, multifunctional administrative city and amendments of Sejong City. The analysis method used in this study is frequency analysis, sentiment analysis and social network analysis using python and gephi 0.9.2 programs. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, as a result of frequency analysis, the keywords of Hankyoreh showed the characteristics of consent - consent - dissent according to the construction period of Sejong City. The Dong-A Ilbo showed positions of dissent - dissent - consent. In addition, the Hankook Ilbo was analyzed to have the characteristics of dissent - consent - dissent tendency. Secondly, results of sentiment analysis, The Hankyoreh showed positive - positive - negative tone. The characteristic of Dong-A Ilbo is that the focus has changed from negative to negative to positive. The Hankook Ilbo showed that changed from negative to positive to negative. Finally, the results of social network analysis are as follows. At the time of the construction of Sejong City, each opinion of media was showed a changes in issues according to political and ideological characteristics such as conservative, progressive and moderation. In detail, Hankyoreh focused on balanced regional development. The Dong-A Ilbo represented the opinion of the Conservative Party. The Hankook Ilbo was highlighting the issues confronting the conservative party and progressive party during the construction of Sejong City.

• JOURNAL OF ELECTRICAL WORLD
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• s.286
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• pp.64-69
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• 2000

20세기에 있어서의 비약하는 산업계의 주축으로서 철강시장은 급속히 확대되었고 그와 더불어 신기술의 개발과 도입에서도 선도적 역할을 다하여 왔다. 특히 이 4반세기는 반도체기술의 진보와 함께 컴퓨터, 플랜트 컨트롤러, 드라이브 시스템 등 전기제품은 비약적인 진화를 이루어 왔다. 현재는 중국$\cdot$아시아$\cdot$남미를 중심으로 철강제품의 수요가 증가하여 설비투자도 확대되고 있다. 그러나 북미$\cdot$유럽$\cdot$일본에서는 생산능력과 수요와의 사이에 수급공백이 있어 이전과 같은 시장만큼의 신장은 기대할 수 없는 실정이다. 이와 같은 상황하에서 철강유저의 투자목적을 합리화$\cdot$성력화$\cdot$제품품질의 향상에 두고 있어, 미쓰비시전기는 ''경쟁력 있는 제품을 만들기와 총투자코스트의 최소화''를 서포트하는 제철플랜트용 전기제품의 제공을 지향하여, 그림에 표시하는 것과 같은 4개의 어프로치로 이에 대응하고 있다. 고품질화와 자동화에 대하여는 종래의 품질제어를 능가하는 초안정화 시스템의 적용, 프로세스의 이상 검지와 자동복구에 의한 완전 노터치 오퍼레이션의 실현, 인텔리전트 센서에 의한 프로세스의 가시화로 오퍼레이터가 최종판단을 용이하고 정확하게 할 수 있는 환경을 제공한다. 고효율화$\cdot$에너지 사용합리화에 대하여는 고역률 전원을 추구하여 고효율 드라이브장치와 모터를 제공한다. 글로벌 스탠더드화에의 대응으로서는 네트워크의 오픈화에 의한 멀티벤더 환경, 범용 하드웨어에 의한 오픈 HMI(Human Machine Interface)을 제공하고 있다. 플랜트의 신속한 가동과 리모트 메인터넌스 환경을 실현하기 위하여 플랜트 시뮬레이션 시험의 실시로 공장출하 품질의 향상을 도모한다. 또한 연구센터로부터의 원격감시와 트러블해석 서포트를 쉽게 할 수가 있다. 나아가 최근에는 급격한 기세로 신장되어 온 멀티미디어 기술, 인터넷 기술, 인트라넷 기술, 모바일단말, 화상압축기술 등에 의하여 원격집중감시, 현장과 중앙 쌍방향 협조보수작업, 버추얼 리얼리티 응용시스템이 현실화 되고있는 실정이다. 이들 IT(Information Technology)솔류션은 금후의 제철플랜트의 시스템을 크게 바꾸어 나가는 것은 물론 사업 경쟁력 강화의 키 테크놀로지가 될 것이다. 앞으로 미쓰비시전기는 제철플랜트에 대하여 유저니즈를 IT 솔루션으로 전개, 제공해 나가고자 한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.61
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• pp.118-133
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• 2013

Lee Yeung-Hi is one of the most influential journalist in the modern history of Korea. Nevertheless, the judgement about him has been parallelized by opposite sides. He is called 'the Master of ideology', while the other calls him 'the culprit of theorization'. This thesis deduced the contemporary meaning of person Lee Yeung-Hi in order to promote communication for both sides. I compared their logical arguments and pointed out the error they missed. Also, I clarified that the criticism and anticriticism for Lee Young-Hi in the fields of both journalism and academia have fallacies, such as the fallacy of straw man, and the fallacy of question-begging. I criticized their arguments through the view of 'struggling to seek truth', which is the core value of Lee Yeung-Hi's thought. The necessity of communication between advocators and it's critics is due to the condition of Korean Journalism. Korean Journalism does not have much space to accept Lee Young-Hi in only one side. Paradoxically, the contemporary meaning of the truth that Journalist Lee Young-Hi had sought is profound and deep because of the condition where Korean Journalism is being dominated by political parallelism.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.33-59
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• 2013

This study has examined an analysis of discourses on free child care policy for 0-2 year old children in Korea. The author has searched articles in daily news papers of "free child care for 0-2years old" using Korea Integrated News Database System and Chosun archive. For the analysis, articles from March 2012 to May 2013 has been collected. From this study, it has been suggested that discourses has been showed with diverse issues such as home care allowance, working mom vs full-time housewives, universal welfare vs selective welfare. These discourses has developed with the ideologies of conservative and progressive perspectives. The suggestions of this study will contribute to the development and practice of a free child care policy for 0-2 year children through reflective discourse analysis.