• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2018

The recent changes in Korean elections are mainly characterized as the downfall of the Conservative party. It is surprising, considering that the conservative party gained the historical support from the electorate in 2012, just several years ago. This paper claims that the downfall of the Conservative party is mostly derived from the perceptual conflicts and inconsistencies in the mind of the conservatives. The findings show clearly both attitude conflicts for the conservatives and its effect of asymmetrical (in)activation of participation. As their preferences to the conservative candidate and party became weaken, the conservatives remained to be inactive participants in elections. On the other hand, the liberals could make political decisions easily, having popular candidate and preferable political party. It suggests that, in order to participate, the electorate needs attractive candidate as well as parties to support in election. To revive as an active political actor, the conservative party should focus on the search of attractive candidates for the conservative electorate and reform the party in accordance with ideological preference of the electorate.

• Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
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• 2009.04a
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• pp.109-121
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• 2009

In these OECD countries, left-wingers Government focus on unemployment, but right -wingers Government cares more about inflation. It is that inflation and unemployment don't have differential effects across rich and poor and the happiness levels of these two groups are unaffected by identity of the Government in power. The poor people choose to left-wingers Government, but rich people prefer to right -wingers Government. I estimate whether above opinion is correct or not. Especially I check how my results change when I control for aggregate economy activity and government consumption, two variables that could be correlated with inflation and unemployment and affect each Government's happiness differentially. This paper, and I believe much of the happiness literature, can be understood as an application of experienced utility, a conception that emphasis the pleasures derived from private consumption and sentiment of it. In Granger Causality test, private consumption sentiment index related with industrial production interactively in Korea. The business cycles affect on private consumption sentiment index.

• Proceedings of the KIEE Conference
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• 2015.07a
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• pp.1200-1201
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• 2015

고전압 전력설비 진단은 기기의 열화 상태를 측정하여 이상 사고를 미리 예측하여 방지하는 것을 목적으로 실시한다. 고전압 전력설비의 유지관리 방안은 일정 시간 경과후 보수하는 개념(TBM: Time Based Maintenance) 이후 설비의 상태를 진단하여 유지보수 방안을 결정하는 개념(CBM: Condition Based Maintenance)으로 진보해 감에 따라 전력설비의 상태진단 기술의 중요성은 증대될 전망이다. 고전압 전력설비의 절연진단은 직류시험(절연저항, PI)과 교류시험($tan{\delta}$, PD)이 실시되며 과거 진단 데이터의 추세분석을 통한 정확한 상태진단이 요구되고 있다. 고압 유도 전동기 절연진단 데이터 관리 전산화 모델은 고전압 전력기기(발전기, 변압기, 전동기, 케이블 등)의 절연진단 및 유지보수 이력에 관한 자료들을 저장, 조회 및 검색을 하기 위한 데이터베이스를 구축하고 구축된 데이터를 활용하여 과거 이력조회, 추이분석, 진단 데이터의 분석기법을 통한 전력기기의 상태평가로 합리적인 개 대체 의사결정을 지원한다. 또한, 유입식 변압기의 절연유 가스분석 알고리즘을 전산화 하여 10종 가연성 가스에 따른 Gas Pattern 평가로 고장 원인, 현상 및 조치 등에 대한 출력이 가능한 프로그램의 개발로 고전압 전력설비 진단기술과 IT기술의 융 복합 기술로서 고전압 전력설비의 유지관리 기술을 한 차원 더 진보시킬 것으로 판단된다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.175-193
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• 2011

This study explored how South Korean newspapers covered North Korea's second nuclear test in May of 2009. Findings show that South Korean newspapers mostly reported North Korea's nuclear experiment in relatively negative tones. Their coverage mainly focused on the influences of nuclear threat from the North on the military, political and economic areas in South Korea. However, the media's agenda settings and frames were not similar in terms of each paper's political and ideological inclination. Whereas the progressive papers, such as the Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun, recognized that the current nuclear issue in Korean peninsula is getting worse because of South Korea's rigorous pressure on North Korea, the conservative papers, such as the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, see that the deadlock between North and South mainly comes from the system malfunction of North Korea. To prevent the current impasse, the left-side papers emphasized to develop the six-party talk in dealing with North Korean issue, while the right-wing papers paid attentions to the West's sanctions on North Korea and ensuring national security.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.289-304
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• 2018

The fandom phenomenon of political emotion originated from ideological conflicts between the conservative and the progressive amplifies social conflicts in South Korea in interpreting and accepting films as culture media. The purpose of this paper is to examine why the structure of political consciousness in South Korea is fandomized, what is the acceptance of cinema at the center of the controversy of political ideology, and what is the desirable attitude of film reception. I conducted a discourse analysis that closely examined the debates and articles on the internet regarding ,(2013) and ,(2014) which were controversial in terms of conservatism and progressivism. As a result, First, while Korean society has not constituted a consensus on modern and contemporary history, it has easily led the acceptance of cinema to the controversy surrounding the political ideology. Second, the failure of constructing consensual memories of modern and contemporary history has made the conservative and the progressive not acknowledge the other's achievements. Third, film interpretation and meaning production are ultimately the roles of the audience, and on interpretation, diversity should be respected but conformity would be rejected. Film acceptance and interpretation should focus on rational awareness of social reality and would reflect on the social ideal objectively.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.43-75
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• 2017

This paper is to examine how Joseon intellectuals understood $g{\check{u}}$(古) and $j{\bar{i}}n$(今) and how its history consequently changed. It is to take a macroscopic view focusing on differences of different schools. Understanding of '$g{\check{u}}$' and '$j{\bar{i}}n$' directly and indirectly affected academia, art and even politics throughout Joseon dynasty. As different scholars and schools distinctively understood $g{\check{u}}$ and $j{\bar{i}}n$, issues of tradition and creation; conservatism and progressivism and; ideal and reality were deeply discussed. Those discussions greatly and historically contributed to making changes in politics and society as well. A cultural tradition of emphasizing '$g{\check{u}}$' took a deep root in overall Joseon society. Meanwhile, understanding of '$j{\bar{i}}n$(今)' or '$x{\bar{i}}n$(新)' was required with changes of times. as When people thought the reality is confusing or corrupt, they adopted restoration(復古) which means to go back to basis as the slogan. Awareness in $g{\check{u}}$ and $j{\bar{i}}n$ served as a drive to change the society. However, they never lifted their voices for '$j{\bar{i}}n$' or '$x{\bar{i}}n$,' abandoning '$g{\check{u}}$'. Criticism on '$g{\check{u}}$' was merely for criticizing being bound by '$g{\check{u}}$,' not targeting '$g{\check{u}}$' itself. '$J{\bar{i}}n$' actually was a dependent variable of '$g{\check{u}}$.' It is a dichotomous view to consider '$g{\check{u}}$' as conservatism and '$j{\bar{i}}n$' as progressivism.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.47-70
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to estimate total factor productivity(TFP) growth by stochastic frontier function and to grasp contributing factors of its growth rate by decomposing the total factor productivity into efficiency change, technical progress, scale change, and allocation change. Annual growth rate of total factor productivity for 1990-2003 is 0.019 (1.9%), higher than that of overall industry (0.010). The main component of TFP growth is not efficiency change but technical progress. Contributing factors of total factor productivity growth are change of allocation efficiency in port industry, technical progress in sea-transportation industry, and change of scale efficiency in transportation-equipment industry. The change of total factor productivity shows a decreasing trend since late in the 1990s. The annual technical efficiency of port-logistics industry is less than that of overall industry. Capital elasticity for output (0.391) is higher than labor elasticity (0.227), but scale economy of port-logistics industry is 0.618, which is far from optimal scale economy.

• 사회경제평론
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.25-61
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• 2018

Nowadays 87 regimes born in the same year with the Korean Association for Political Economy(KAPE in abbreviation) have ended historically. This paper surveys the research trends of KAPE after 2007 for the 30th founding anniversary. This survey is expected to help research way forward of KAPE. The main contents of the surveys are as follows. Global finance crisis caused by subprime mortgage crisis in 2007 expanded to global economic crisis resulting in the crisis of economics. KAPE criticized the mainstream economics with different approach and methodology as well as political economy copying with the crisis of economics and then focused on economics of inequality. However, the progressive economics is depressed under the conservative regime after 2007. As a result, the progressive economics have experienced the crisis of reproduction of knowledge and have become the peripheral science in Korea. With new regimes after 87 regimes, more important than restoration of the progressive economics is rebirth as the progressive economics corresponding to new regime and new era. This is responsibility of KAPE as the single association of the progressive economics in Korea.