• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.163-175
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• 1988

The purpose of this study was to find out the utilization status of Korean rice-cakes and the evaluation degrees of their commercial products by subjects. The subjects were 530 housewives lived in Seoul, Deajeon, Youngju city, and Secheon khun. We conducted this survey from November 16 to 28, 1987 by questionnaire method. The results obtained can be summarized as follows; 1. In the subjects' home, 37 kinds of Korean rice-cakes were used. All of them, Inchelmi (67.9%), Songpyeon (66.6%), Whinddeg (51.4%) and Gaepiddeg (43.4%) were frequently used. 2. All of ceremonial days, Korean rice-cakes were used most frequently on the wedding day but they were used scarecely on the funeral day. 3. On the birth day of children and adults, cakes were used more frequently than Korean rice-cakes. 4. All of Korean festival days, Korean rice-cakes were used most frequently on New Year's day. 5. In the future, most housewives (61.7%) hoped to make the Korean rice cakes of themselves at home. 6. Convenience (65.8%) was the most favored cause purchasing the commercial products but many housewives (44.3%) wanted to make the Korean rice-cakes of themselves at home. 7. All the quality properties of commercial products, taste and color property were favored and price, package, storage and hygienic property were poorly evaluated by housewives. 8. The evaluation about color property of commercial products were affected by resident place variable of housewives (P<0.05) and hygienic property were affected by resident place and academic career variable of housewives significantly (P<0.01). And package property of them was affected by dwelling house type significantly. (P<0.05) 9. Housewives indicated that commercial products were improved hygienic property (37.0%), price (23.8%), package (15.6%), taste (11.1%), storage (10.1%) and color (2.4%) in order.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.6-22
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• 2024

This paper examines the characteristics of wooden wells from the Three Kingdoms period that were discovered in the Yeongsan River basin, in addition to their functions based on the distribution of the remains and excavated artifacts found near the wells. A total of 11 wooden wells have been found at six archeological sites along the middle and upper reaches of the Yeongsan River basin. These wooden wells were built in a wider variety of forms than wells made of other materials due to the ease of processing resulting from the physical properties of wood. However, due to the limited geological conditions in which these wells can be installed and their rapid decay, the discovery of such wells is rare. They tend to be located in the clay and mud layers of old river channels or near river channels where it was relatively easy to obtain water from the riverbed. The wooden wells are mostly square or rectangular in shape and were assembled transversely, and some include support beams in their construction. The backfill was reinforced with either stone, a mixture of stone and clay, or a mixture of clay and pottery shards. The material mainly used was pine wood boards, with wood from chestnut trees being used as a sub-material. Various artifacts, such as pottery and wooden containers, animal bones, and seeds, have been excavated in small quantities. The excavated pottery items consist mostly of flat cups with a cover, mounted cups, pottery stands, wide-mouthed jars with a hole, and round pottery. Based on the environment and remains of the sites, the wells are thought to have been used for domestic and production purposes. The assumed primary function was to obtain domestic water, as most of the wells were located within residential spaces where the area's inhabitants lived. The wells were also used to obtain water for agricultural purposes, as well as for productive purposes such as for operating kilns and smelters. Lastly, the wooden wells were also found to be strongly associated with rites, as evidenced by the artifacts found inside them.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.34
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• pp.253-281
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• 2010

This study has its purpose on figuring it out to the religious notion in Vietnam with the material of the divinity construction of Den Hang Pho in Sapa where is the northern region of Vietnam. To make this, the study divides the type of Vietnamese temples into four parts; Chua, Den, Dinh, and Mieu. Among them, the study pays attention to 'Den' because Vietnamese historical heroes are seated as divinity. This reason makes a reasonable case to this study to figure out a typically and generally religious faith. First of all, the study analyzes immaculate divinity, which generally consists of three and four layered system. The study confirms that the immaculate divinity started from the goddess and then extended to the concept to dominate the sky, the ground, the sea(river), and the mountain(forest). General Tran Hung Dao is the best historical hero in Vietnam and has been placed in temples called Den. The study exams the context that the divinity extended to the religious beliefs, for examples, the belief related in a childbirth by lots of narrations and ceremonies and the belief to treat a sickness, and also exams the context that the divinity placed in a divinity to make a symmetrical relation with immaculate faith. The study exams the divinity construction of Den Hang Pho as its authentic case. In this case, the study could verify a case emphasized by mountain Holy Mother among immaculate faiths. Especially, the study can confirm that General Tran Hung Dao was apotheosized as a concept to be symmetrized with immaculate divinity, and futhermore, a couple of snakes was emphasized by their positioning to every room. Tri-system lays stress on the aboriginality(locality) centered on minority races in the northern Vietnam, the national identity of Vietnam, and the ecological condition of rivers flowing the valley of high and steep peak. The confirmed facts could be said to a construction what the religious notion of tri-system makes. The study makes a conclusion that this kind of conversion-oriented religious notion naturally corresponded with region, nation, and ecologically environmental condition, and extended to the Vietnamese faith with polytheistic divinity.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.46
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• pp.123-152
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• 2023

This paper will examine how the Avalokitesvara faith of India was restructured into the doctrines and practices related to the Sinicized version of the deity as Guanyin (觀音) Bodhisattva. Particular focus will be given to the Hangzhou area of China, when the Guanyin faith was still in the process of gaining establishment in China. In the Hangzhou area, Buddhist Orders grew significantly due to the wealth accumulated from commerce using canals and maritime trade, and the Chan (禪 typically known as Zen in English) Orders were particularly active during the Song Dynasty. Zhiyi (智顗), a prominent master from the Tiantai Order (天台宗), based his activities out of Hangzhou. He composed the text known as the Commentary on the Guanyin Petitioning Sutra (Qingguanyinjing-shu 請觀音經疏) based on a reinterpretation of a scripture related to Guanyin, and he systematized the Guanyin Repentance Ritual (Guanyin-chanfa 觀音懺法) by combining the Doctrines of Tiantai with the Guanyin faith. In addition, Ciyin Zunshi (慈雲遵式) reformulated that Guanyin Repentance Ritual into the Guanyin Petitioning Repentance Ritual (qing-guanyin-chan 請觀音懺) to make it into a common ritual that was more accessible to everyday people. The book, Records Regarding the Personal Conduct of the Chan Master Zhijue (zhijue-chanshi-zixing-lu 智覺禪師自行錄), which is written by Yongming Yanshou (永明延壽), a figure from the Fayan Order (法眼宗), one of the Chan Buddhist orders in the Hangzhou area during the Northern Song Dynasty, reveals the acceptance of the Guanyin faith as a daily practice within the 108 daily rituals (108事). In Chinese Buddhism, there were historical examples of monks being worshipped as incarnations of Guanyin Bodhisattva. An example of this includes iconography depicting Baozhi (寶誌), a figure from Jiliang (濟涼) who lived during the Southern Dynasties, as Ekādaśamukha (十一面觀音, Eleven-faced Guanyin Bodhisattva) in keeping with the belief that he was an incarnation of that deity. Monks of the Tiantai and Chan orders operating in the Hangzhou area actively utilized the transmission of Buddhist tales about Guanyin Bodhisattva as related to monks that exhibited miraculous powers (神異僧). This can be understood as a phenomenon demonstrating how Song Buddhism tried to attract more believers through the popularity of the Guanyin Faith.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.240-251
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• 2002

This study is to describe practices of and attitude toward traditional wedding food and the attitude of housewives toward the traditional wedding food in Busan metropolitan and Kyungnam province area. Data were analyzed from the convenient sample of 525 housewives collected from September 20 to September 28, 2001. As for the necessity of traditional wedding food, the most popular food was ebagee food, pebaek food, yedan food in order. Of the various kinds of traditional wedding food, table setting for parent-in-law was chosen as the most popular one. Sociodemographic characteristics such as education level and age were statistically associated with perception of traditional wedding food being necessary as a ritual thing. The respondents preferred rice cakes as wedding food to fishes, fruits, traditional sweets and skewered slices of seasoned meats. More than half of the respondents think current practices of wedding food is prodigal and has to be done in thrifty manner. As a ritual practices of wedding food were to be readjusted to the change of social custom depending on the degree of modernization. More than half (52.1%) of the housewives expected traditional wedding food should fade away. A conclusion was that it is necessary to develop modernized wedding food reflecting traditional wedding customs with economic costs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.223-284
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• 2005

Gwaebul, created during late Joseon dynasty, especially from 1885 to 1926, now exist 18 ones. And 12 of them are owned by Buddhist temples located in Seoul city and Gyeonggido province. Royal Tomb praised and Royal household praised Buddhist temples in early Joseon dynasty were supported by Royal Family. As a renovation of Buddhist temples by king Taejong's reign(1400-1418), they became impoverished with reduced Buddhist ceremony. But they maintained their lives in intimate connection with royal family, and went prosperous from late 18th century. At that times, a new trend in Gwaebul appeared, which have popular idea for wishing peace of the dead, the nation and the royal family. The new composition of painting expressed in Gwaebul starts in Amitabha-Triad paintings which carved in first volume of ${\ll}$Amita-yohaegyeong${\gg}$ made of wooden plate. And Gi-heoh(A.D. 1820-1872) carved it in 1853 at Naewonam Buddhist hermitage of Samgaksan mountain And a return of Suwolgwaneumdo which had been popularized in late Goryo dynasty is worth noticing as a new issue of late Joseon dynasty. It is related with a composition of Gwaebul that expressed 'a leading the dead to the good', a Buddhist consciousness of falsehood and fancy. The saturated and blurred style of painting, the fact that centralization-powered lineage of painter who used composition of multi-used basic pattern, are characteristics of this period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2010

Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.54-79
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• 2024

The purpose of this research is to fill the vacuum created by the tendency of bias towards China among the curators of Korean museums who plan exhibitions focusing on Balhae, and to share with researchers in the countries concerned various supplementary research materials that could deepen their understanding of the history of Balhae. These materials are based on analyses of the details of exhibitions about Balhae held in a particular Russian museum and the characteristics of and changes in the museum's operational policy. Thus, this research focuses mainly on the permanent and special exhibitions held by the Far East History Museum and Reserve, whose collection represents the archaeological achievements of Russia regarding the history of Balhae. The first part of the research focuses on the layout of the exhibitions presented by the museum and the museum's operational policy. It reveals that the museum's permanent exhibitions follow a diachronic arrangement of the local history, while the first and second special exhibitions featured exhibits that were selected from the collections of the Russian Academy of Sciences and arranged according to specific themes. It also examines the museum's policy for operating the exhibitions, focusing on the operational rules, the human resources deployed to run them, and the related educational and PR programs. The second part of the research examines such issues as local politics, economy, education and culture related to the exhibitions on Balhae's history, and connects them to the background and development of the exhibitions. This study reveals that the permanent exhibitions were intended to promote historical awareness of the local area by museum visitors, particularly those who visited the exhibitions while the city was hosting important events such as international summits. It also reveals that the museum's first special exhibition led to the promotion of Korea-Russia cooperation on exchanges in the fields of culture and tourism, whereas the second special exhibition involved no PR efforts or related events, which was probably due to the changes that have occurred in the relationship between Russia and its neighboring countries since then. The final part of the study focuses on the characteristic features of the exhibition narratives, and compares school textbooks on local history and history books for general readers with the contents of the exhibitions. The analysis of the narratives based on the development of time shows that the history of the Mohe (or Malgal) tribes has been combined with that of Balhae, while they are treated separately in school textbooks. As regards political history, the narrative was largely focused on officials in Balhae's central government rather than on Mohe warriors in the border areas. The maps of Balhae presented in the exhibitions highlight the importance of accumulating empirical data. As for the exhibition of material cultures, this study suggests that the museums should obtain more archaeological floral and faunal remains related with agriculture and hunting. It also points out that the narrative on the theme of foreign relations deals with the archaeological relics of Unified Silla together with those of the Turkic tribes. As for the theme of philosophy and culture, the narrative focused on the state ceremonies and rituals of Goguryeo, a theme that has attracted little attention among Korean academic circles and which consequently requires further study. In conclusion, this study is meaningful in that it suggests a number of research topics regarding the development of exhibitions and exhibition narratives about the history of Balhae by a prestigious Russian museum that specializes in this subject.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.249-275
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• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.