• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.449-476
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• 2010

This paper focuses on the security problems in atlantic ocean involved in the USA and Latin America and the Caribbean. The ocean security matters in this region have mainly argued military concerns traditionally. However, the concept of ocean security has been changed in the 21st century and strongly debated with various dimensions: social, human and resource, environment as well. This paper traces these changed concepts currently with many empirical cases existed in many security conflicts in this ocean, especially between the USA and Latin(South) America region. Historically, security conflicts in the OAS(Organization of American States) countries have involved with many military matters, territory and oceans, and currently added up with terrorism and drug problems as well. However, the great and potential conflict emerged in the security issues is resource matter in this ocean and get a dilemma to be sorted out between military and social security matter. For example, the re-establishment of 'the 4th Fleet' in US Navy got a great conflict between the USA and the South American countries, both of them wants to achieve to resource security in this ocean to meet their energy security. Finally this paper addresses some implications and prospects in this conflict in near future and suggests a few solutions and advices for Korean's relation in this ocean.

• Strategy21
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• s.32
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• pp.271-297
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• 2013

2010년 초반 이래 지역 해양안보는 보다 개선된 신뢰증진을 위한 안보구도와 메커니즘을 요구하고 있다. 특히 2011년 이래 전문가들은 지역 내 어려운 해양안보 문제들을 주요 현안으로 식별하고 있으며, 아울러 다양한 다루기 힘든 개념 위주의 지역 해양신뢰구축방안들을 제시하고 있었다. 최근 동북아는 다양한 해양분쟁과 갈등으로 점철되고 있으며, 대부분 국가들은 더욱 위험한 상황을 선택하기에 주저하지 않는 위험한 현상을 보이고 있다. 이러한 문제들은 첫째, 기본적으로 기존의 개념적 목적의 해양신뢰구축방안 이행에 대한 실패, 둘째, 개념적 해양신뢰구축방안을 넘어선 기능적이며 실질적 해양신뢰구축으로 변화에 어려움 그리고 셋째, 이를 동북아에서 어떻게 적용30)해야 하는가" 하는 문제로 귀결되고 있다. 대체적으로 전문가들은 개념적 방안 보다 효과적이며 기능적 해양신뢰구축방안을 적용하고 이해하는 것이 바른 "정답"이라고 보고 있다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 기존의 개념적 논쟁에 빠졌던 개념적 해양신뢰구축방안에 대한 과거 미련을 버리고 점차 진화된 복합적 문제로 대두되는 동북아 해양에서의 해양분쟁과 갈등을 기능적이며 실질적 해양 신뢰구축방안에 의해 해결하는 방법을 식별하여 제시하고자 한다. 이에 본 논문에서 제시하는 기술적이며 제도적 해양신뢰구축방안이 인정되면, 지금까지의 작용-반작용의 악순환적 주기를 넘어설 수 있는효과적 해양신뢰 각론, 레짐 또는 거버런스가 될 수 있을 것이다. 궁극적으로 본 논문의 목적은 고질적이고 새로운 해양갈등을 해소할 수 있는 신뢰 구축 전략을 제시하여 지역 해양안전과 평화를 유지하는 것이다.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.129-154
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• 2010

In Post-soviet Space, particularly the Central Asian is a great turbulence region called the 'Eurasian Balkan', where diverse factors of conflict and dispute are existed. In Central Asia, a current regional security system is characterized by various multilateral cooperation relations among Central Asian nations and the world powers, such as NATO(PfP), OSCE, CIS, CSTO, CACO, SCO, CICA and so on. But nothing could obtain superiority as pan-regional security system. Unless internal problems and conflicts of the Central Asian nations be solved, security won't be assured in this region. Narrow-minded and blind realism will spread insecure region, make a lasting trouble spot in Eurasian continent. The purpose of this article is to explore significance for international relations of security system in the Central Asia. I examine general features of regional security environment formed after the Soviet Union's collapse, characteristics of multilateral cooperation related with Central Asian nations. Through consideration current situations I suggest prospects of security system in Central Asia.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.6 s.105
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• pp.933-954
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• 2004

This paper considers critically the conceptual development of international environmental security, and to explore some limitations which seem to have made difficult the construction of regional environmental governance among North-East Asian countries. The recently emerging concept of environmental security has turned the traditional or realistic meaning of security to the neo-liberal and the political-economic one. On the basis of a reconsideration of these newly developed meanings of security, this paper has reviewed critically some work which have focused on the concepts of environmental regime and of environmental governance. To formulate a true environmental governance, it is suggested that we need a theoretical analysis on the economic and political contexts and a practical development of civil society. From this point of view, the economic structure of labour division, the political tension and military opposition in the region, and the immaturity and exclusiveness of civil consciousness can be pointed out as some limitations of environmental security to be constructed in the North-East Asian region. A true environmental security in this region requires formation of reciprocal economic relationship, development of regional institutions for political trust among countries, and improvement of interaction between non-governmental organizations (NGOs).

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.37-78
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• 2022

The U.S.-led international order, sustained by overwhelming national power since the end of the Cold War, is gradually being restructured from a unipolar international system to a bipolar international system or a multipolar international system, coupled with the weakening of U.S. global leadership and the rise of regional powers. Geopolitically, discussions have been constantly raised about the security instability that the reshaping of the international order will bring about, given that East Asia is a region where the national interests of the United States and regional powers sharply overlap and conflict. This study aims to critically analyze whether security discussions in Korea are based on appropriate crisis assessment and evaluation. This paper points out that the security crisis theory emerging in Korea tends to arise due to threat exaggeration and emphasizes the need for objective evaluation and conceptualization of the nature and the level of threats that the restructured international order can pose to regional security. Based on the analysis of changes in conflict patterns (frequency and intensity), occurring in East Asia during the periods divided into a bipolar system (1950-1990), a unipolar system (1991-2008), and a multipolar system (2009-current), this study shows that East Asia has not been as vulnerable to power politics as other regions. This investigation emphasizes that the complexity of Korea's diplomatic and security burden, which are aggravated by the reorganization of the international order, do not necessarily have to be interpreted as a grave security threat. This is because escalating unnecessary security issues could reduce the diplomatic strategic space of the Republic of Korea.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.347-370
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• 2017

동북아시아지역에서 집단안보와 관련된 지역협력체가 형성되기 어려운 이유에는 먼저 체제와 이념이 다른 국가들 사이에서의 강한 지정학적 역학관계가 작동하고 있고, 두 번째로 개별국가 내부의 사회이념과 정치체제의 차이로 인한 이질성이 매우 강하며, 세 번째로 새롭게 형성되고 있는 미-중 관계의 대립적 구도가 군사안보적인 차원에서의 과도한 경쟁관계를 유발하고 있는 동시에, 네번째로 북한의 지속적인 핵과 미사일위협이 지역을 넘어 범세계적인 위협요인으로 작용하고 있으며, 다섯 번째로 장기간 미해결상태에 있는 도서 분쟁이 항시 관련국가들 사이에서의 과도한 민족주의적 갈등을 유발시키고, 이로 인한 적대적인 갈등관계가 지속되고 있는 점 등을 동시대적인 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들로 규정해 볼 수 있다. 동시에 이런 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들의 근원적인 발생요인으로도 평가될 수 있으며, 특히 동북아 개별국가들이 내세우고 있는 강력한 민족주의 성향과 과거사와 연관된 역사인식에 따른 문화적 이질성의 내면에 존재하는 낭만적 민족주의요소가 동북아 개별국가들 간의 신뢰형성과정을 강력하게 가로막고 있음을 지적할 수 있다. 19세기말에 동북아에 유래된 낭만적 민족주의에 대한 비교국가 차원에서의 심도 있는 분석과 이를 통한 절충점의 발견은, 역설적이지만, 세계 어느 지역보다도 극심한 갈등과 대립국면이 심화된 동북아지역 내의 국가들이 군사안보 및 정치경제차원에서의 보다 원활한 협력관계를 도모하기 위한 첫 단계로서의 공동의 장을 마련할 수 있는 주요한 동기가 될 수 있다.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.191-210
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• 2009

Energy Security has been factor of great importance to national security, economy, society and all other areas. However, it has been in the lack of situation where there is no leading method to measure energy security nor to compare among countries until now. In the research, objective index to assess energy security has been developed and compared among the level of countries in terms of energy importing countries' perspective. Based on the suggested index, comparison for the energy security level has been explained. The implication of the research is that in terms of energy importing perspectives, method to appraise energy security and according to this, energy security rate by each countries with respect to LNG. This method is doubtlessly applicable to comparison of security rate from other resources and fluctuation of energy security by reflecting other factors. Also, discussion about how increased autonomy of resources can impact Korean energy security with regard to recent international energy development. As a consequence, it has revealed that enhanced authority of resources evokes ascendancy of energy security in a positive way.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.467-490
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• 2009

This study seeks to improve the problems of analytical rigor and practical utility found in the concept of human security by examining ways to create a global governance system for the effective achievement of United Nations Millennium Development Goals(UN MDGs). This study regards poverty as the most fundamental threat to human security in order to achieve the analytical rigor of human security concept. At the same time, it also examines how to creating a global governance for achieving UN MDGs to improve practical utility of human security concept. The global governance system of MDGs should acquire global political representativeness, efficacy of policymaking process, and democracy within it. For these purposes, the creation of a "Global Summit for Development," the establishment of a more equal partnership between the states, international organizations, and NGOs, and institutionalization of operational and strategic cooperation among development institutions are proposed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.327-331
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• 2020

In that this study is a subject and character of risk, emerging security covers non-military areas in addition to traditional military security: environmental security, human security, resource security, and cyber security. The rise of these risks is not only changing the phenomenon of the new expansion of security areas, but also the expansion of the number and scope of security entities and the aspect of security world politics. These risks are transnational security issues at the global level in terms of their nature and extent of the damage, as well as multi-layered ones that affect local and personal security issues at the regional and national levels. In addition to national actors, non-state actors such as international organizations, multinational corporations, and global civil society, and furthermore, technology and social systems themselves are causing risks. Therefore, to solve the new security problem, it is necessary to establish a middle-level and complex governance mechanism that is sought at the regional and global levels beyond the fragmented dimension of the occurrence of new security issues that have been overlooked in the existing frame of perception, and to predict and find ways to respond to new security paradigms that have been identified in a broader sense.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2015.10a
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• pp.445-447
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• 2015

The situation in Northeast Asia is rapidly changed because of the territorial dispute between neighboring countries near the East China Sea, North Korean nuclear bomb tests, long-range ballistic missile launching tests frequently and deployment of Chinese Liaoning class aircraft carrier. Especially, unstable political situation of North Korea and Chinese A2/AD strategy by strengthening naval forces are the cause of replanning Asia-Pacific security strategy of Unites States. In this paper, it is surveyed and analyzed that changed Asia-Pacific security strategy of U.S. and rearrangement plan of U.S. Naval forces. And changed environmental situation influence on our security is analyzed.