• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.54
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• pp.5-31
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• 2020

This study has started from the political process of local community power structure to elaborate the reason why both a majority of cultural artists and cultural artist organizations want to be against establishing the local Foundation for Arts and Culture. The cultural artists and cultural artist organizations believe that the establishment of the local Foundation for Arts and Culture might threaten not only their monopolistic status or their livelihood in the local market relying on public supports, but also make them being marginalized from the potential supports. Therefore many of them have somewhat unfavourable opinions about its establishment. Drawing from the Jellabuk-do case, their concern of being isolated from the monopoly by the local Foundation for Arts and Culture are reduced to publicized discourses such as powerization, the lack of expertise, the loss of independence, and the fall of business. When constructing the Foundation for Arts and Culture, the major values are 'Pluralism' and 'Fairness'. On one hand, the terms of Fairness means that it should be fair in operations, support and executive composition. On the other hand, Pluralism means that policy-making rights should be distributed to various groups, not owned by some specific groups. Some plans for building Foundation for Arts and Culture are needed to make diverse classes and groups to expect the pluralistic interests emerged eventually.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.255-285
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• 2013

The aim of this study is to demonstrate how Self-Sufficiency Promotion Centers (SSP Centers) run by social movement groups have struggled to defend their voluntary identities in conflict with SSP Centers operated by professional social welfare centers. Since political democratization, social movement groups have been increasing invited to run frontline public welfare agencies in South Korea, and Self-Sufficiency Program is one of the representative policies in which social movement groups have actively partaked. But many critical scholars have warned that such institutionalization of social movements into social welfare system is likely to dampen their voluntary nature and force them to render their hegemonic power to professional social welfare institutions. In contrast to the critical viewpoint, however, this study unveils how social movement-based SSP Centers have strived to tackle the professionalization pressure by deploying various survival strategies at the micro level. Through a historical discourse analysis on the frontline conflicts between social movement-based and social welfare-based SSP Centers, this study contends that social movement groups in Self-Sufficiency Program can still maintain their traditional spirit despite the obvious professionalization phenomenon.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.185-201
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• 2015

This paper suggests how Korean housemaids, called Sikmo, and Korean-Chinese migrant domestic workers have similar class positions and therefore form a dual identity in their interactions with female employers. rough spoken stories of the experiences of 27 females from Seoul, including Korean-Chinese domestic workers, Korean housemaids, and their employers, this research effectively overcomes the dichotomous discourse of natives versus foreigners. Instead it suggests the new interpretation that it is not foreignness but class inferiority of the domestic workers that plays a key role in establishing relationships with employers. Korean housemaids and Korean-Chinese domestic workers, both groups of whom are migrant workers, have developed coping strategies to enhance their labor value by spatially relocating themselves from their home society to a new society. They possess a similar labor status in women's history, being of low income, low education, and rural births. Consequently, these women experience 'translocal anchoring,' meaning their identities are intertwined with that of their home societies, and employers perceive them based on the characteristics of these places. The Korean employers perceive that the domestic workers' morality and intellectuality are inferior based on their class differences. This stigmatizing process leads employers to regard domestic workers as ambivalent people, not only threatening outsiders but also objects of pity, needing love and protection of their employers. The employers educate them culturally, teaching them skills to survive in the urban environment. These skills include cooking and language, in addition to advice on long-term plans to blend into society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.52-74
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• 2015

The May 18 Democratic Movement has been considered to be specific case of the big deviation in social memory among the events that occurred after the Korea War. Compared with other events associated with the democratization movement, the May 18 Democratic Movement is special in that can be achieved various changed meaning. In this study, primary focus will be on the background and logics to show what changed the meaning of the May 18 Democratic Movement from the perspectives of the memorial project. And to investigate influences of change of meaning on perspectives and forms of memorial projects. Recognition and forms of memorial projects on the May 18 Democratic Movement had been largely changed around 2000s. Memorial projects were the aspects that are the logics of the social movements absorbed into the logics of the institutionalization before 2000s. During this period, it was done primarily the discourse of a holy ground for democracy and sanctuarization, had characterized the nature of the struggle of memory. After 2000s, the May 18 Democratic Movement has been interpreted historical resources to create a cultural city and a human rights city. Sometimes the May 18 Democratic Movement was appropriated by local development discourse, and sometimes was adopted as the material of differentiation strategy in the city. Form of memorial projects has also been changed type of struggle of memory to type of heritage industry.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.3
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• pp.427-449
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• 2015

Network governance can be defined as collaborative process to develop a new socio-political order through civil society centered networking with government and market, and the term 'collaborative governance' can be used in a sense that the basis of governance is collaborative process. In particular, it can be stressed that collaborative governance between regions need double collaborative processes, that is, collaboration between local governments and collaboration between local government and local civil society within a region. Yet, the collaboration as a core element of collaborative governance should not be seen as a pure normativity presupposing confidence and reciprocity, but as a strategy based on competition and antagonism. The normativity implied in the concept of collaborative governance may not realized in actual process, and tends to be mobilized as a rationale for justifying neoliberal strategies. In order to overcome such limits of collaborative governance, the concept of collaborative governance should be reconstructed. This paper suggests that collaborative governance can be seen as hegemonic governing process in a Gramcian sense operating in the government plus civil society, and that, radicalizing Ostrom's concept, it also can be seen as a governing process producing polycentricity by self-regulating subjects. Finally, collaborative governance between regions needs expansion of material basis for economic complementarity and construction of infrastructure as well as a discursive process in order to enhance connectivity between them.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.181-203
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• 2011

Transformation towards multicultural society requires discussion on new concepts of citizenship which would overcome some limits of national citizenship developed on the basis of the nation-state. Citizenship can be defined as a relationship between individuals and their community, and conceptualized in a relation with identity. Citizenship also includes its spatial elements such as site and movement, place and public/private space, boundary and territory, flow and network, level and scale, etc. and in particular implies a multi-scalability of local, national, and global level. A new discussion on citizenship has emerged in Japan in shift to multicultural society, especially focusing on activities of local governments and grassroots social movements to support and ensure welfare services to and human rights of foreign immigrants in local communities, hence develops a concept of local citizenship. This concept seems to be highly significant for both foreign immigrants and Japanese dwellers for multicultural coexistence, but raises serious problems of separating local citizenship from formal national citizenship and from universal global citizenship. In order to resolve these problems, a new multiscalar concept of glocal citizenship which links interrelationally local, national and global citizenship. The concept of glocal citizenship is suggested to lead academically a new version of cosmopolitanism which embraces the universal and the particular in a dialectic manner, and to give strategically an alternative to multicultural coexistence policy and discourse and local citizenship discussion in Japan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.26-39
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• 2016

This research paper explores the process of developing skateboarding spaces in urban parks. Skateboarding is one of the most popular sport activities representative of urban parks. This research paper will analyze the process of introducing skateboarding activities into park spaces and their acceptance by the general public as well as derive meaningful general implications for park space development planning. The research method is a discourse analysis of newspaper articles regarding skateboarding issued between the 1960s and 2010s. These articles are the main resources to show the creation of a skateboarding culture, generation of skate park spaces, and the extinction of these spaces during the research period. The result of this research is as follows. There are reasons that allowed for the creation of skate park spaces in urban parks. First of all, positive associations that people have regarding skateboarding have influenced the park's users and operators' decisions that a park is proper space for skateboarding activities, and the agreement to remodel the park space. Secondly, skate parks became a space for multiple-uses that can be shared with other emerging sports, which resulted in a building boom of skateboarding spaces in urban parks. Thirdly, urban parks and their new culture of active sports became a marketing tool used by local governments to attract new inhabitants to their new towns. On the contrary, there are three main reasons for the deterioration of skate parks. First of all, within parks in which skateboarding activities collided with other park usage, the skate parks disappeared. Secondly, skate parks built specifically for competitive skateboarding events and without consideration of casual skaters disappeared, as these facilities were not sustainable for use in the long term. Thirdly, the golden age of skate park skateboarding did not last long, as skateboarding trends shifted from trick performance to street skating, where skate parks are no longer needed. For this reasons, the exclusive use of park space for skateboarding activities has faded from public interest. The findings of this research suggest how sport activities should be introduced to urban parks. At first, each park's management needs to identify a sport suitable for long-term development, and not only plan for temporal events or follow fleeting trends. Secondly, the park's management systems should reflect a type of sport activity that would not only be popular at the beginning of the spaces development, but also take into consideration how these activities will change over time. Lastly, in cases where there are conflicts between sport activities and other activities in urban parks, attempts should be made to suggest feasible solutions other than the liquidation of sport spaces. This study explains the development process of sport spaces offered in urban parks, by thorough research of the process of acceptance of skateboarding activities in current urban park systems. This conclusion also indicates further areas for research with the purpose of understanding general best practices in urban parks sport space planning.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.329-352
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• 2017

Since the late 2000s Korean foreign direct investors in North Korea and China border regions have gone through the closure of outward processing trade(OPT) networks and changes in their location due to UN security council resolution and Korean independent sanctions against North Korea's nuclear and missile tests. However, the introduction of new Chinese OPT policy has led to the invigoration of domestic market-based OPT networks towards North Korea. The main aim of this paper is to identify the exceptional characteristics of Dandong in Liaoning province, a North Korea and China border region by analyzing OPT networks towards North Korea. Fundamentally the establishment of OPT networks towards North Korea is likely to be based on the utilization of a plenty of low wages in North Korea. The main reasons for this are fallen into two perspectives: geo-economics and geo-politics. The first perspective is geo-economics centering on the consolidation of economic exchange between North Korea and China, and North Korean economic development. For example, the introduction of Chinese OPT in border region has enabled Chinese local firms based on domestic market to access a plenty of low wage in North Korea in formal and institutional contexts. The second is geo-politics for the stability of North Korean regime based on the means of geo-economics. As the invigoration of domestic market-based OPT networks might make North Korea possible promoting foreign money earning, it enable North Korea to be sustainable as a buffering region between capitalist and socialist regime for China. It shows Chinese geo-strategic attempts to deal with the economic and regime stability of North Korean as a buffering state. In other words, OPT networks in North Korea should be concerned with the discourse practice of geo-economics and geo-politics which might lead to various and contingent spatial economies in border region. As a consequence, North Korea and China border regions could defined as a space in which is applicable to exceptional institutions and policies, and an exploitative space in which create surplus and rents by utilizing a plenty of low wages in North Korea through OPT networks.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.10
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• pp.177-189
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• 2020

To newly discover the placeness of Xita Koreatown in Shenyang, this study establishes the conceptual structure of urban inclusivity based on the actor-network theory and the main discourse of inclusive cities. It then applies a framework to the relevant space for analysis. We conduct the case study by first identifying a historical timeline by dividing the age from the founding of New China to the present into sprouting and developing stages of Xita Koreatown, extracting major actors out of time, and finally creating a network graph for each of the six periods representing changes in the region. Throughout this process, we not only analyze the aspect of transition in the urban inclusivity of Xita Koreatown but also prospect the feasibility of an inclusive city for the area. The results of this study are as follows. First, the number and type of actors constituting Xita Koreatown have constantly increased significantly since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea. The related actor-networks have also continued to expand in all indicators of urban inclusivity. Secondly, the agency of human actors such as Korean-Chinese, locals, and both South and North Koreans, representing the specificity of Xita Koreatown, has continuously improved. Lastly, due to the increase of cultural exchanges and related policy actors, the actor-network in this region has achieved an unprecedented leap forward. In conclusion, the urban inclusivity of Xita Koreatown in Shenyang shows significant growth in quality, with expectations of further improvement.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.