• Korean Architects
• /
• s.529
• /
• pp.88-94
• /
• 2013

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
• /
• v.34 no.5
• /
• pp.873-887
• /
• 2010

Yuan Shi Kai, the first President of the Republic of China, established a ceremonial uniform system based on ancient styles in 1914 just before the national polity was changed to the Empire of China in 1915. This system is Jisiguanfuzhi (a system on costumes for memorial services), and figures included in the system are Jisiguanfutu (figures showing costumes for memorial services). This study is the first to examine Jisiguanfuzhi and Jisiguanfutu and to approach the background idea of the establishment of the system with a focus on the meaning of 'unity.' Jisiguanfuzhi regulates the ceremonial uniform system of all classes from the President along with the 1st-class to the 5th-class people. The uniform consists of a crown, robe, belt, the mid-section cloth, and boots. In addition, the uniforms of ritual musicians and dancers are included. The basic principles in establishing the system were the restoration of ancient systems, the adoption of convenience, the acceptance of current practices, and the implication of symbolism. Jisiguanfuzhi clarifies that the pattern of the ceremonial uniforms was modeled on Juebianfu, for religious services. The reason for choosing Juebianfu for religious services was to achieve 'unity' and Juebianfu was associated with 'unity' because it was common to all, from the emperor to the gentlemen class, in ancient times. Yuan Shi Kai tried to show flexibility to the gentlemen class who represented the intellectuals at that time by adopting Juebianfu for religious services, fearing that the gentlemen class might oppose the attempt to restore the imperial system. Therefore, although Jisiguanfuzhi adopted mostly Mianfu and royal sacrificial robes, it also emphasized 'unity' by professing that the uniforms were based on Juebianfu for religious services.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.54
• /
• pp.185-220
• /
• 2017

This study analyzes the behavior of China in the international context of East Asia based on the in-depth understanding of Confucian Sino-centrism. The rise of China is a dream to be realized for Chinese while actually it is regarded as new threats for the neighboring countries. It is therefore no surprise that the neighboring countries that once subordinated themselves to China voluntarily feel threatened by the resurrection of China. The reason is that China is pursuing hegemony based on China's stronger power rather than seeking culture and morality as they did in the past. The new hegemonic pattern seems not to contribute to the China's profit, only to increase the tension among North East Asia. That's because the neighboring countries are active in expanding military expenses with strengthening ties with the US. In this context, is it possible that China can rise gently without threatening the neighbors? There must be a way. It is that China will be born as a superpower with Confucian morality as the way the Confucian Sino-centrism is intended. When the neighboring countries are impressed by the way the China treats them with moral virtues, the leadership of China will be strengthened of itself. It is the most desirable way of realizing the dream of China.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.27
• /
• pp.223-254
• /
• 2009

This thesis is aimed at researching the formation of democracy in socialist China. Due to a sense of cultural superiority on the basis of their developed civilization, they already formed a strong cultural nationalism, which has come to firm up into "Sinocentrism" through long periods of time. However, there arose a sense of crisis due to the Western invasion after the Opium War and the intellectuals in China happened to seek the solution to rescuing their mother land from ruin; in the midst of this process, the theory of social evolution of the West was introduced and accepted. The acceptance of this theory of social evolution gradually transformed in confrontation with a logical limit that China defeated in international competition could not but be plundered by imperialism after all, but it contributed to Chinese intellectuals' forming the concept of the modern state nationalism of the West deviating from cultural Sinocentrism. After the Russian Revolution, a large number of Chinese progressive intellectuals developed their socialist movement with the recognition that Marxism was a practicable alternative to rescue China from its crisis. The Chinese Communist Party was under guidance of the Comintern from the early process of its formation, in which they emphasized the fact the national liberation struggle in colonialized countries was an indispensable element in the world communist movement under the condition of the control of the world by imperialist capital at that time and subsequently, Marxism characterized by resistant nationalism in China gained its cause. Afterwards, the People's Republic of China was established by the Chinese Communists which came to get widespread support from the Chinese through anti-imperialism &feudalism in the process of the Sino-Japanese War, and thus China equipped with a full-blown socialism system set sails. However, with the relations with the Soviet Union getting worse under the international conditions of a cold war, the development of the Chinese socialism couldn't but resort to the concentrated power of its people, which was linked to the boost of continuous patriotism of the Chinese Communists. Particularly, due to the newly-emerging contradictions after reform & opening [gig kifng], China underwent disruption; thus, as an ideology to integrate such disruptive elements, Sinocentrism based on China's cultural pride re-appeared. Recently, a very strong form of Sinocentrism has come to the fore as their superiority of traditional cultures is emphasized in China whose international position as an economic power has been raised.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.133-172
• /
• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• JOURNAL OF ELECTRICAL WORLD
• /
• no.5 s.15
• /
• pp.37-51
• /
• 1969

이 원고는 표기와 같이 Electrical World지의 오스트레일리아 및 동남아시아관계 편집자인 W. Diesendorf씨의 동남아시아 전기사업의 시찰시행기이다. 주로 전기사업에 있어서의 최근의 동향 및 설비확장상황에 대하여 조사하였고 그 조사대상국은 서말레이시아, 태국, 필리핀, 홍콩 및 싱가포르이다. 이들 제국에서는 민간 및 국제자금, 세계은행차관과 업자차관을 자금원으로 하여 전력설비의 건설을 진행하고 있다. 홍콩은 과거에 722.5Mw의 혹$\cdot$운(Hok Un)발전소로 인한 대기오염 때문에 곤란을 겪어 왔으나 중화전등전력회사와 ESSO의 공동출자로 설립된 반도전력회사(PEPC)의 칭$\cdot$이(Tsing Yi) 발전소가 베이스부하발전을 맡게 되고 시내로부터 멀리 떨어져 있는 위치와 높은 연출에 의하여 1969년도에는 심한 대기오염을 완하하기로 계획되어 있다. 싱가포르는 1971년까지 240Mw의 쥬롱(Jurong)발전소가 운전을 개시하기로 되어 있다. 싱가포르는 $5\~6$년마다 배증하는 부하를 가지고 있는데 이것은 주로, 철강, 시멘트 및 섬유공업에 의한 것이다. 말레이시아는 포오트$\cdot$딕슨(Port Dickson)발전소의 제1기 60MwX4가 $1969\~1972$년에 운전을 개시하기로 되어 있고 제2기는 수개의 유니트가 구성될 예정이며 카메론고지수력개발계획이 진행되고 있다. 태국에서는 유명한 꾸아에$\cdot$야이(Quae Yai)강의 칸$\cdot$리엥(Kany Rieng)에서 200Mw를 개발하기로 되어 있으며 그 제1기 공사는 1973년에 시작될 예정이다. 1975년까지 얀히이(Yanhee)전기청의 부하는 400Mw의 원자력발전소의 건설을 가능케 할 것으로 생각되고 있다. 마닐라에서는 중유화력의 가아드너(Gardener)발전소의 건설을 진행시키고 있으며 첫 번째의 165Mw의 유니트는 곧 운전을 개시할 것이며 두 번째 유니트도 1969년도에 운전이 개시될 예정이다. 마닐라전기회사는 연율 $12\~13\%$의 부하성장율을 흡수할 수 있도록 설비확장공사를 추진시키고 있다. 지리적으로만 보더라도 우리나라와 가까운 동남아시아의 전력설비현황을 알기 위한 참고로서 이 원고를 소개하기로 한다.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
• /
• v.22 no.3
• /
• pp.160-165
• /
• 1979

This study was carried out to investigate effects of iron content on the quality of soy sauce, bean paste and red pepper paste, and to elucidate the origin of iron and change of the contents during production processes. For the first step, the iron contents in commercial soy sauce and changes of the contents during brewing process were determined. The results obtained were as follows. 1, Iron contents of raw materials were 108 ppm in soy bean, 133ppm in defatted soy bean, 79 ppm in wheat, 5 ppm in sodium chloride, 58 ppm in seed koji, 300-2000 ppm in spore of Aspergillus oryzae, 240 ppm in wheat gluten, 20 ppm in sodium carbonate (above figures were of dry weight basis), 6 ppm in hydrochloric acid, 18 ppm in caramel and 0.3ppm in brewing water respectively. 2, Iron contents in koji were 200-240 ppm (as dry weight basis) and increased, more or less, in progress of koji-making period. 3. Iron contents in the mashes during fermentation were 40 rpm after 1 month, 43-47 ppm after 3 months and 49-62ppm after 6 months. 4. In chemical soy sauce, the iron content was 159 ppm after hydrolysis of wheat gluten with hydrochloric acid, and 184 ppm after neutralization. 5. Higher iron contents were detected both in fermented and chemical soy sauce when the concentration of total nitrogen increased, but the levels were higher in chemical soy sauce than in fermented one at the same concentration of total nitrogen. 6. In the case of fermented soy sauce, the iron content in the filtrate was decreased by press-filtration, but no significant change was found between before and after heat-sterilization. 7. Iron contents in commercial soy sauce were varied with the producers, however, the average value was 62.7 ppm as calculated as 1.0 percent of total nitrogen. And the average level of iron in home-made soy sauce produced by conventional method was 37.68 ppm.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.33 no.3
• /
• pp.16-37
• /
• 2015

As a result of analyzing the forming and the transformations of Seokjojeon Hall garden by linking it to the changes of Deoksugung Palace influenced by the social atmosphere, the Seokjojeon garden can be classified into four phases. The first phase starts from 1896 to 1914. Gyeongungung was built in the late 19th century(1896-1897) as an official palace and Junghwajeon Hall and Seokjojeon Hall was built for Gojong. J.M.Brown was in charge of the construction of Seokjojeon in the beginning but H.W.Davidson saw the end also set up the garden. In the process of forming the garden the incorporating of Dondeokjeon Hall and the demolishing of the west wing corridors of Junghwajeon Hall occurred. At this phase of the garden a statue of an eagle was put up in the garden but was soon taken down. The shape of the garden was quiet simple with a central axial pathway, a round assorted flower bed placed in front of Seokjojeon Hall. The second phase starts from 1915 to 1932 which lasted for 17 years. At the last years of the Great Han Empire the duties of Gungnaebu(宮內府) was transferred to Leewangjik(李王職) in 1911 and a research on the existing buildings was done by Jujeonkwa(主殿課) in 1915. According to the research drawings, the garden still maintained the axial pathway formed in the previous phase but the garden had an asymmetric form. The flower bed was formed in a round shape and an open-knot technique and boundary plantation was applied to the garden. The third phase starts from 1933 to 1937 and is the period when Seokjojeon Hall was made public. By the year of 1932 many buildings of Deoksugung Palace had been demolished in the preparation of the opening of Seokjojeon Hall as a permanent exhibition hall. The central axial pathway still remained in the new garden and added a pond with a turtle statue in the center. The fourth phase starts from 1938 until the liberation from Japan and is the period when Deoksugung Palace became a park. Yi Royal-Family Museum was built and linked to Seokjojeon Hall with a bridge and the garden transformed into a sunken garden. The garden adopted a fountain and a pagora. Despite the minor changes in the after years the garden still posses most of its form from the fourth phase. As we can see the current garden of Seokjojeon Hall is not the same as the initial garden and therefor the importance of this study lies in the fact that modifications to the statements regarding to Seokjojeon Hall garden should be made.