• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.223-248
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• 2012

This research is to investigate his creative perspective to Deahak through Seoktan Lee Shin-Ui's Daehakcharok. Lee Shin-Ui is a scholar and politician in the middle of Joseon Dynasty. His ancestral home is Jeonui. The honor name is Gyeongchik and pen name is Seoktan. The posthumous name is MunJeong. His Daehakcharok was written in the process of taking basic foundation as the politic leader. It was a record that he usually wrote down things realized after reading Deahakjanggu. Seoktan clearly classified the meaning of Jang (chapter) and Gu (phrase) as the structure of Deahakjanggu, and created new realm about the method of classified study. In the preface of Deahakjanggu, he emphasized that the core of Deahak is in Gyeong (敬, respect or honor), and clarified that Deahak deals with Sim (心, mind) and Seong (性, human nature). In the interpretation of Daehakdeajeon, he thought that the core of Samgangnyeong (三綱領, three doctrines or essential principles) depended on Myeong (明, realizing), Shin (新, taking re-newness), and Ji (止, achieving) as the meaning of 'realizing, taking re-newness, and achieving', and interpreted the context of Tao (道, the way), Myeong (明, realizing), and Deuk (德, virtue) in detail. In addition, he interpreted various concepts and meaning of Deahak with Myeongmyeongdeuk (明明德, realizing human nature) and Sinmin (新民, renewing people) as relationship with Ji(知, realization), Haeng(行, practice), Che(體, main structure), and Yong (用, dealing with), and developed Neo-Confucianism deeply. In case of the main interpretation of Deahakjanggu, he analytically reviewed 50 phrases one by one throughout 10 total chapters. In case of chapter five which includes Zhuzi's the theory of Gyeokmul (格物, approaching things or persons), he interpreted it in three parts and classified Gyeokmulchiji (格物致知, approaching things or persons and then realizing their nature) about researching deeply of principle and each thing, and Mulgyeokjiji (物格知至, approaching things or persons and then realizing them) about all things. He arranged in order of 'principle- researching-result' as well. In final, chapter ten showing the core of politic thought emphasized the way of Hyeolgu (?矩, considering others' situation through his/her own experience) intensively and informed that it is the best virtue for a governor.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.127-159
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• 2009

This paper is about the conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo in the Joseon Dynasity. Originally, Hwangjoin meant the Chinese people till the mid-term of the Joseon Dynasty but the meaning was changed to the immigrants from the Ming(明) dynasty in reign of King Youngjo. They were Han Chinese(漢族) and moved to the Joseon between the Japanese Invasion in 1592 and the Manchu war in 1636. The Joseon government gave a warm welcome to them. Two wars made the Joseon government pay attention to the national restoration and served the entrance of 'Sallim(山林)' on the central government as a momentum. Song, Siyeol(宋時烈) was the leader of Sallim, who made an issue of 'Daecheong-boksu Discourse(對淸復讐論;to revenge on Ching(淸) Dynasty)' like a way of 'Bukbeol(北伐;to attack Ching Dynasty)'. His plan came to fail because of the death of King Hyojong and was replaced with Jonju Discourse(尊周論;respect for Zhou Dynasty). Daebodan(大報壇) was built in the reign of King Sukjong, which meant Joseon got the justness that they inherited from the Ming Dynasty. Later Daebodan expanded and it led to works in honor of loyal subjects and patriots, victims of two wars and a policy of a warm reception for Hwangjoin. King Youngjo did his best to theorize Daemyeong Euiri Discourse(對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse for himself. His efforts came out as a spread of conception on Pungcheon(風泉;fengquan), publication and education of Eoje-seo (御製書) and making literary works(英祖御製). King Youngjo employed many policies for Hwangjoin. First, operation of Chungnyanggwa(忠良科) opened a door for them to go into politics. Second, descendants of Hwangjoin had charge of Hwangdan's guard(皇壇 守直) posts. and joined in the sacrificial rites of Ming Emperors. Third, they could have government jobs and honorary posts for ancestors' merits. Fourth, a list of Hwangjoin, "Hwainlok(華人錄)" was published and they got preferential treatment unlike Hyanhwain(向化人). King Young's Pungcheon(風泉) had an effect on literature such as Lee, Gyusang(李奎象)'s "Beong-sejaeunlok(幷世才彦錄)" and Song, Gyubin(宋奎斌)'s Pungcheon-yuhyang(風泉遺響)". The general people of Joseon were jealous and envious of them because of special treatment polices for Hwangjoin. So people wanted to be included in Hwangjoin as far as possible and there were cases of pretending to be a Hwangjoin. The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo was realized as the policy for Hwangjoin based on Daemyeong Euiri Discourse (對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse(尊周論). It was a way of becoming clear about Joseon's position in political principle.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.195-230
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• 2017

This study combined Youth Panel Data(2009~2014) to analyze youth employees' turnover determinants by business scale and wage effects and the results are as follows: First, the turnover rate of youth employees was analyzed and as a result, the average turnover rate in 2014 was 26.3% and was found to be small company 25.6%, medium-sized company 25.1%, large company 17.2% in terms of business scale (based on regular permanent position), showing that the larger the company size, the lower the turnover rate. Second, turnover reasons of youth employees were found to be dissatisfaction with working conditions 40.3%, job mismatch 39.2%, personal reasons 11.8% in order and turnover by job mismatch was higher in large companies (41.5%) than in small and medium enterprises (38.5%). Third, job satisfaction and job-major agreement depending on the status of turnover were analyzed and as a result, the lower the job satisfaction and job-major agreement, the higher the turnover rate in all areas. Fourth, scale turnover determinants by business scale were analyzed through panel regression analysis and as a result, variables significantly affecting turnover were analyzed to affect objective working conditions such as wage and employment type and job satisfaction and 'job-level of education skill level major'agreement variables to lower the turnover rate as well. Fifth, wage effects depending on the status of turnover were estimated and as a result, the wage level of youth employees who changed their job was lower than that of youth employees working in the same company by about 3.1% and this wage gap was further expanded over time. But, turnover of changing employment type(temporary position${\rightarrow}$regular permanent position) and company size (small and medium enterprise${\rightarrow}$large company) was not the case. Therefore, in order to reduce the turnover rate of youth employees, it is necessary to increase overall job satisfaction and job-major agreement with objective working conditions and working in the same company for a long period of time rather than changing jobs frequently can be said to be rational choice in terms of youth employees.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.161-185
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• 2012

This thesis reorganized the life of Mrs. Yun who was a noble woman in the middle of the Joseon period with main material of Seopo, Kim, Man Joong(1637-1692)'s "Seonbijungkyungbuinhaengjang(先?貞敬夫人行狀)" and considered yeosa(女師)'s image of noble woman embodied by her son. Although women who were remarkable in premodern period nurtured their son well and they became excellent, it's easy that the life of their mother can be hidden by sons' shadow. Luckily, materials of Mrs. Yun were kept by her descendants, so people could analogize how she could endure difficulties and how she educate her children. In a word, the life of Mrs. Yun can be yeosa(女師)'s life. She was born as a only daughter of the best ancestry in the period and grown to be a considerable woman with strong will and discipline under the strict training of her grandmother, Junghye Ongju. And then, she married Gwangsan Kimmun, the best literature house of Joseon period, but her husband, Kim, Ik Kyum was died by unexampled difficulty, Byungjahoran. During the tribulation, Mrs. Yun was in charge of not only parents supporting but also two sons' education excellently. She educated not only her children but also grandchildren and nephews around her, so she had extraordinary passion and sincerity for the education. As the result, she enjoyed a glory that two sons and grandchildren became on daejehak. Mrs. Yun was living with thrift and saving continuously regardless of her circumstances. When her granddaughter became inkyungwanghoo who is a wife of sookjong, she didn't kick her common habit and trained strictly the mind of family members who could be easily in disorder. In spite of the richness, he obeyed manners and showed thrift and saving continuously and thoroughly. When there was a crisis in her family, the first son, Kim, Man Ki was died and the second son, Kim, Man Joong and grandson went into exile during the continuous political upheaval. But, she supported her house, obeyed the rules and promised the future. At that time, she continuously encouraged grandchildren and the eldest grandsons of the head family to study without any stop for themselves in spite of the difficulties. Mrs. Yun pursued truly valuable life. She considered that the life which didn't get praised by other people wasn't valid although he or she lived a pleasant life in luck and richness. Mrs. Yun was a true teacher yeosa (女師) who placed a true value on the life enduring hardship and poorness without fear and becoming an example of other people.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.179-209
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• 2013

This study takes as its text "Yangarok", the record written by Mukjae Lee Mun Geon (1494-1567) about his grandson rearing and examines the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson. The reason it is focused on the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson particularly among many aspects of Yangarok is that the paper notices the dual feelings of love and hatred lying in the mind of Mukjae, the subject of the narrative. Because the record of grandson rearing plainly reflects the dual elements of the grandfather, love and hatred, expectation and disappointment, and hope and resignation, it shows the acute conflicts between the two persons well. At the time of the grandson's birth, Mukjae went through a gloomy period both in family and socially. He had to taste tremendous frustration in the status as an exile pushed back from the center of the political world, and his only son was handicapped, so he could not expect his caring after that. Spending each day in such frustration, he faced the birth of his grandson just like a miracle. However, the excitedness and expectation he had in the beginning of the child raising were turned into disappointment and complaining as time went by. His change lets us think about the distance between love and hatred existing in human relations. This study analyzes Yangarok but is focused on the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson for further discussion, so it attempts to understand Yangarok from a different perspective. First of all, Chapter 2 of this article notices the fact that cause results in effect and examines the ultimate factors raising grandfather-grandson conflicts. Next, Chapter 3 considers the concrete aspects of grandfather-grandson conflicts. Based on the above examination on the causes and aspects of the conflicts, Chapter 4 focuses on the value that Yangarok has as the material for introspection and lays the ground to think about the messages that this record implies for contemporaries.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• The Journal of Sustainable Design and Educational Environment Research
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.43-54
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• 2021

The results of the research and analysis are as follows: First, from the existing 57 types, 51 types were additionally discovered through the Gyeonggi-do research and analysis, and a total of 108 types could be subdivided. Second, as a result of the survey and analysis of Gyeonggi-do, 17 new unique types and the causes were found Third, out of 7 less than 10 years old schools, the Ns1 and Ns2 types were accounting for almost all of them. Of the 19 mid-term new schools, the Nm7 type accounted for 32.3%, and of the 41 long-term new schools, the most occupied type was Nl13 (33.5%). Among the 20 long-term rising types of 20 to 30 years old schools, the Ai19 type accounted for 22.6%, and the Ai8 type accounted for 19.4%. Among the 21 long-term decline types in existing schools, 17.0% was for the Ad5 type, 16.1% for the Ad15 type, 15.2% for the Ad10 type, 10.0% for the Ad7 type, and 8.1% for the Ad8 type.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.260-279
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• 2021

The Goguryeo kingdom established a unique defense system centered on a series of mountain fortresses. However, modern-day studies on its defense system have tended to focus on how they were positioned and generally consist of little more than individual surveys or introductions to the relevant materials, leaving much to be desired. This study attempts to extend the scope of studies about fortresses dating back to the Goguryeo period, taking into account the limitations of the available materials. As such, this study reviews the defense system of Goguryeo during the Gungnaeseong Period (i.e., the period when Gungnaeseong was the capital of Goguryeo) using the GIS system, with the focus on fortresses that are thought to have been built in the area extending from the middle and upper reaches of the Amnok River to the mid-stream region of the Liohe River, based on the aforementioned studies. The results of the study are as follows. First, the major roads built during the Gungnaeseong Period were as stated in the foregoing studies to some extent. Researchers believed that during the middle period of the dynasty, a major road ran along the Suzihe, Fuer and Xinkai rivers before finally reaching Jian. The study found that fortified walls and fortress strongholds were built along this road. Second, there were seven fortresses between the middle and upper reaches of the Amnokgang River and the midstream region of the Liaohe River. A primary defense line was closely established between the strongholds and the nearby walls, with secondary and tertiary defense lines established more loosely and encompassing a much wider area. Third, regarding the defense system along the major roads, the Choejinbosanseong, Goisanseong and Cheolbaesanseong fortresses served as strongholds along the 60-kilometer-long primary defense line, with 80-kilometer-long secondary and tertiary defense lines set up behind it. The final 120-kilometer-long defense line of the capital was established along with the Onyeosanseong Fortress, while a stumbling block was set up close to the capital as a defense system, rather than building a fortified wall. To summarize, a primary defense system was established centered on a series of fortresses, with each stronghold maintaining a closely-knit defense system in connection with other nearby strongholds to repel invaders.