• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.327-360
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• 2018

Ryu Seongryong, a Confucian scholar and politician, are two sides of the same coin that cannot be separated from each other. The scholarship of Confucian intellectuals is oriented toward the practice of the managing state and salvation of the world(經國濟世), and the precise study of historical precedent and political scene affects the success or failure of politicians. Ryu was able to become a real savior of Joseon Dynasty in crisis, because he synthesized dialectically both without distinction between theory and field. However, previous studies on Ryu did not pay attention to these points. In this article, I would like to start from the point that Ryu was interested in the Learning of Wang Yangming without being satisfied with the Neo-Confucianism. And I want to emphasize that he had a pragmatic view that was different from the orthodox scholars and that he was able to demonstrate his ability to cope with crisis even when Joseon was hit by the Japanese invasion of 1592. In short, this article seeks to re-examine Ryu's life in terms of pragmatism and realism which pursued a balance between learning and practice.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.265-299
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• 2009

The Great Learning is an essential scripture of Confucianism that has had great influence on the politics, thoughts, society and culture of the East Asia which contains Korea, Japan and China. In case of Japan, the doctrine of Toegye(退溪) is flown into pre-Tokugawa era, and as the doctrine of Zhu Xi(朱熹) exercise influences over the other thoughts, the importance of the Great Learning is embossed relatively in Tokugawa era. The characteristic of Japanese confucianism of Tokugawa era is to lay weight on real world as such, and the Japanese confucianism has grown up academically centers on exhaustive reinterpretation about some Confucian classics. And Backho-Yoon Hyu(白湖 尹?), Seokye-Park Sedang(西溪 朴世堂) who lived in 17th century of Joseon dynasty attempt new interpretation about the Great Learning and they have an objection to the explanatory notes of Zhu Xi. In the same period of China, there are similar academic trends around Whang Jong Hi(黃宗羲), Ko Yeom Mu(顧炎武), Wang Fu Chi(王夫之). In other words, new views of real scholarship which reject emptiness and put much value on reality were current of thoughts that have been common to the oriental three countries in early and middle 17th century. The main object of this paper is to understand the attitude and understanding about the Confucian classics especially the Great Learning of the scholars who lived in early and middle Tokugawa era. It will be a decisive clue to understand the ninucture of thoughts system of them. Through these work, we understand how it has had influenced to thinking-ninucture and lives of the Japanese. And the other purpose of this paper is to understand characteristics of them when we compare that vking-ninucture and lives of the Japanese Confuciang-ninearly and middle Tokugawa era with in the same period of Jeseon and the later Ming(明) and early Ching(淸) dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.307-336
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• 2018

This paper traces the historical genealogy of the subjectivity and the silsim (實心, true mind) that appear in Jeong In-Bo's "gukhak" (國學, the national learning) thought and illuminates its characteristics. In the modern East Asian history of thought, the beginning of the emergence of subjectivity and the silsim as the main philosophical topic comes from the Neo-Confucianism of Song Dynasty in China. Cheng Yi is the first thinker to emphasize subjectivity and consciousness. Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming inherit the Neo-Confucian thought based on Cheng Yi's principle of subjectivity, but only show difference in methodology. In the Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Je-Doo and his School were one example of the Neo-Confucian spirit of subjectivity and the silsim. Although Jeong In-Bo (鄭寅普) belongs to Jeong Je-Doo's school of Ganghwa in the school curriculum, he has only used it methodologically since he believed that Yangming's learning is more effective in the awareness and practice of the silsim. Especially noteworthy is that the principle of subjectivity led Jeong In-Bo to follow the frame of Zhu Xi's moral theory. Jeong's claim that selfish desire (jasasim 自私心) should be controlled by a conscious mind (silsim) being aware of the right and 'ought to do' corresponds to Zhu Xi's view that the moral mind (dosim 道心) should be selected in the conflict situation between sensual desire (insim 人心) and moral consciousness so that the insim should be supervised by the dosim. Such ethics is a position to emphasize the inner motive and the sense of duty of conduct, and there is no fundamental difference in Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming. At least on this point, it is necessary to look at modern and contemporary Korean studies from the perspective of continuity, not discontinuity from Confucian tradition.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.321-350
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• 2008

The purpose of this paper is to identify the difference between Sangsan-Simhak(象山心學) and Yangming-Simhak(陽明心學). This means that the whole history of Sung Confucianism needs to be understood based on changing philosophical paradigm according to the times, not general perception which regards the whole history of Sung Confucianism as Li-Hak (理學) and Sim-Hak(心學). This kind of perception is caused by the general perception which divides Sung Confucianism into Sim-Hak and Li-Hak. We regard the former as Chung-Chu study and the latter as Liu-Yang study. Because of this, Sangsan study is recognized as the former stage study of Yangming study and can not be placed in independent position in whole history of Sung Confucianism. And Sang is regarded that it takes diametrical opposition with Chuhsi study. So it is said that there is no point of sameness among them. But Sangsan study was generated from 'Song-Hak(宋學)' based on paradigm of Li-Hak and Yangming study was generated from 'Ming-Hak(明學)' based on paradigm of Sim-Hak. The difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' is generated from proposition called 'Sim is Li (心卽理)' that most research has overlooked. To identify these things, this paper examine the philosophical difference between 'Song-Hak' and 'Ming-Hak' and analyze the proposition 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' that regards Sangsan study and Yangming study as same philosophical system. And this paper identify the philosophical difference between Sangsan study and Yangming study by examining the method that the concept of 'Sim is Li(心卽理)' is applied in moral cultivation. This paper shows that the difference of interpretation about the concept of Li(理), between 'Song-Hak' based on Li paradigm and 'Ming-Hak' based on Ki-Hak(氣學) paradigm, causes different meaning in 'Sim is Li(心卽理)'. Through these, this paper demonstrate the difference between the paradigm of 'Song-Hak' that Chuhsi study and Sangsan study have and the paradigm of 'Ming-Hak' that Yangming study has and the fact which Sangsan study is systematic philosophy of Sung Confucianism in itself not former stage of Yangming study.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.129-136
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• 1997

We inquired into tile origins, pathologies, theraphies and prescriptions of Jungpung(中風) especially on the ground of Keokchiyeron(格致餘論) Dangeosimbub(丹溪心法) written by JuJinHyoung(朱震亨) as medical books, from this study we could get that conclusions. 1. According to special feature of the theroies of JuJinHyoung's(朱震亨) Jungpung(中風) he thought pathologies of Jungpung(中風) as "sub seong dam dam seong yeol yeol seong pung 濕生痰痰生熱 熱生風" through studying stress on regional characteristics and thought much of dam(痰) as one of major elements of internal causes. 2. He suggested chi-dam(治痰) in the first place in the treatment of Jungpung(中風) and emphasises the treatment using Succus Pyllostachyos(竹瀝), waterly extracted Rhizoma Zingiberis(薑汁) in that they had the virtues of sodam-ganghwa(消痰降火), geo-gyeongrak(開經絡), haeng-heolgi(行血氣) 3. He treated differently whether a man in fat and thin, and have right or left hemiplegia, but he prescribed herb-medications on the principle that that medications should have the virtues of chi-dam(治淡).

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.7-29
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• 2008

Jang, Hyeon-Guang is one of the representative natural philosophers of Joseon Korea. This article aims to investigate the meaning of the factors of Xiangshuxue(象數學) contained in his cosmology. Xiangshuxue applies Image(Xiang), Numeral(Shu) and In-Yang to present the distinctions, inter-relations and time-series orders of things. Jang's cosmology, combined with Xiangshuxue, insisted that Li(Principle) is infinite in time and space, the cosmos is finite on the other side. This assures that the moral principle is absolute and eternal. Jang emphasized the book I-ching as the criterion and the model in understanding the nature. This restrained the objectivizm of Shaoyong and made his concept 'natural law' difficult to change itself as the experience and the knowledge expand. None the less, his cosmology is appraised in that it strengthened natural philosophical basis of neo-confucianism and preceded the cosmological investigations since mid-Joseon dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.151-180
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• 2018

Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.91-116
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• 2012

Writing is a process and work of expressing one's own feelings and thoughts that are not contained in rigid forms; however, the literary trend and environment during the Late Joseon was not so tolerant. A revivalist approach to writing was dominant during this period, which was summarized in the expression that "Prose must be written in the style of Qin and Han; and Poetry in that of High Tang. "Hence, it was practically a taboo to express one's raw emotions and disregard the custom and regulations of writing. Nevertheless, literati, who got tired of the dogmatic rule of Neo-Confucianism at the time that refused to see the changing world and the pseudo-archaic writing that merely imitated the outside and was empty inside, attempted new styles of writing to escape from the model or example and what was familiar. Lee Yong-hyu, who was in the middle of such transformations, learned the trends of Late Ming and Early Qing through the newly imported Chinese books and created his own style that reflected his personality. His writings refused the Neo-Confucian system of thoughts, which was a dominant ideology of the time, paid attention to the human nature and emphasized the restoration of the self. His writing could be described as being anti-pseudo-archaic and criticized the pretentious trend of the time. He argued that in order to restore the true self, one must recover the innocent mind that was bestowed on human by heaven/nature (cheon-li, 天理), and for this purpose, one must straighten out one's mind (sim, 心). His argument is similar to that of "Yangming School of Mind," which could be represented by the phrase, "Mind is the Principle (心卽理)." Yangming School claimed that moral principle existed within one's mind; and this was in stark contrast with the Neo-Confucian idea that "principle (li)"was external and transcendent, and was spoken by the great Confucian masters and written down in Confucian Classics. By denying the externality of the principle and underscoring its immanence, the idea that centralized Confucian Classics and canons was dismantled. Lee Yong-hyu's writing styles that denied the model and emphasized the restoration of the self was influenced by such thoughts. However, one must neither hastily judge that he is an advocate of Yangming School of Mind, nor determine the anti-pseudo-archaic writers' ideological basis as the philosophy of Yangming School. Once it is rigidly defined, be it Zhu Xi's philosophy or Wang Yangming's philosophy, it becomes another model that one must abide by, and again the self disappears. Thus, Lee Yong-hyu defied any kind of model that claimed authenticity or precedence and wished that people would live independently as oneself, and left such claims and wishes in writing. That is the reason, after more than two hundred years later, we still read his writings.