• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• 제40권2호
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• pp.86-96
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• 2012

Recently parks and green spaces contribute not only as a place of leisure but also for environmental welfare, social education, new jobs and $CO_2$ Emissions Reduction. Parks and green spaces are understood as urban infrastructures like roads and rivers. They are also included in social infrastructures like education, culture, and welfare facilities. These changes are applied to policies for parks and green spaces, many governments and local authorities make investments on them. The modification of policies for parks and green spaces in England is a good example about this trend From this view point, this study now deals with the changing process of policies, results, and evaluation. Some implications have been deducted. The first is the inducement in participation in policies and implementation of practices through policy papers. They are more practical than written laws which are composed of abstract sentences and generalizations. Secondly, the status of parks and green spaces is highly raised with the establishment of CABE Space and so on. This organization controls many different policies and programs related to parks and green spaces. Third is the funding for the improvement of parks and green spaces. Fourth, are the short-term measures, such as funding and management, and the long-term measures such as pursuing building of partnership and training. Fifth, the government strives to establish its partnership with the local authorities and communities through a spectrum of support in terms of information, monitoring, and developing good practices among networks. Finally, parks and green spaces are being addressed from multiple directions through the participation of numerous agents like voluntary groups, development companies, communities and so on. Recently, in Korea, the influences of the Sunset Law for Park Site, Landscape Architecture Law, Urban Forest Law, and other related ordinances have encouraged the review on the policies on parks and green spaces needed. However, there are not many studies about them. Owing to these reasons, the cases of England will he helpful.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• 제37권1호
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• pp.31-70
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• 2021

The purpose of this paper is to measure the clustering change and analyze empirical results, and choose the clustering ports for Busan, Incheon, and Gwangyang ports by using Hierarchical clustering(single, complete, average, and centroid), Silhouette, and 2SCE[the Second Stage(Type II) cross-efficiency] matrix clustering models on Asian container ports over the period 2009-2018. The models have chosen number of cranes, depth, birth length, and total area as inputs and container TEU as output. The main empirical results are as follows. First, ranking order according to the efficiency increasing ratio during the 10 years analysis shows Silhouette(0.4052 up), Hierarchical clustering(0.3097 up), and 2SCE(0.1057 up). Second, according to empirical verification of the Silhouette and 2SCE models, 3 Korean ports should be clustered with ports like Busan Port[ Dubai, Hong Kong, and Tanjung Priok], and Incheon Port and Gwangyang Port are required to cluster with most ports. Third, in terms of the ASEAN, it would be good to cluster like Busan (Singapore), Incheon Port (Tanjung Priok, Tanjung Perak, Manila, Tanjung Pelpas, Leam Chanbang, and Bangkok), and Gwangyang Port(Tanjung Priok, Tanjung Perak, Port Kang, Tanjung Pelpas, Leam Chanbang, and Bangkok). Third, Wilcoxon's signed-ranks test of models shows that all P values are significant at an average level of 0.852. It means that the average efficiency figures and ranking orders of the models are matched each other. The policy implication is that port policy makers and port operation managers should select benchmarking ports by introducing the models used in this study into the clustering of ports, compare and analyze the port development and operation plans of their ports, and introduce and implement the parts which required benchmarking quickly.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• 제35호
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• pp.3-40
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• 2013

Establishment and expansion of a FOI regime is a fundamental basis for modern democracy. Informed decisions and supports by the people are critical to establishment of democratic institutions and policies. The best tool to make informed decisions and to ensure accountability is the FOI. For effective FOI, good records management is necessary requirement. This paper observes and analyses the development of the FOI in the U.S., the Open Government policy, and the government records management reforms under Obama Administration to search viable solutions for Korean FOI and public records management reforms. Major revisions and advancement of the FOIA in the United States are examined, especially the revision of the FOIA as the OPEN Government Act of 2007. The FOIA revision enhanced greatly the freedom of information in the U.S. including the establishment of an independent FOI ombudsman by the Congress. The paper also discusses the Presidential memoranda on the Open Government and the FOI by President Obama, the following directives, Presidential memorandum on government records management and the Government Records Management Directive. Major contents of the directives, plans, and achievement are summarized and analysed. Finally, this paper compares the government records management reforms under former President Roh Mu Hyun with the Obama's reform drive. The comparison found that major difference in the "top-down" government records reforms are the difference in democratic institutions such as weak congressional politics, strong bureaucratic obstacles, and relatively weak social and professional supports for the reforms in Korea, while these reforms were similar in terms that they were driven by insightful political leaders. Independent FOI ombudsman and national records administration are necessary for such democratic reforms.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• 제28권2호
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.1-20
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• 2021

This study was conducted to derive a model of the legal system that is the basis for realizing the service economy, political administration, and social education system. Based on the experience of mankind's legal system operation in the historical era for the past 5,000 years, a legal system model that will make the future human society sustainable has been established. The problems of the current legal system were analyzed at the fundamental level. The root cause of injustice and unfairness was analyzed and a new legal system was designed. Through the legal systems of various national societies that have been attempted in the history of mankind, the structure of the legal system that is desirable for the modern society was designed. Human society, which has experienced how much good legal system has been and is being abused by human irrationality and nonsense, needs to make an effort to change the legal system paradigm itself by learning lessons from failure. This study derives the basis for a legal system that can realize justice and a fair society in the long term. It proposed a model for improving the legal system that allows human society to be happy for a long time. To this end, the fundamental role of the legal system was analyzed at the ideological level and the problems of the current legal system were presented. In addition, the problem of fundamental assumptions about human nature was analyzed and improved assumptions were presented. The structural system of the current legal system was analyzed and a new structure was proposed. In addition, a plan for the operation of a new legal system based on a new structure was suggested. The new legal system was named servicism system. This is because it is a model centered on thorough checks and balances between all opponents, not a simple linear one-dimensional legal system, but a multidimensional legal system, and because it is a viewpoint that clearly recognizes both human reason and desire. The new system is a model that reflects the confrontation between the rule of law and the non-law rule and the confrontation between the power people and the general public. A follow-up study is needed on a concrete plan for transitioning from the current legal system to a new legal system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• 제57권2호
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• pp.144-166
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• 2024

The Cultural Heritage Committee is an important organization that has been deliberating on important matters related to the preservation of cultural properties in the Republic of Korea for more than 60 years since 1962. The Cultural Heritage Preservation Committee was active in 1961, which was a short period of about a year, but the minutes prepared at the time confirmed that it had the following meanings. First of all, legally, it was meaningful in that the concept of cultural property or intangible cultural property was used for the first time in Korea in laws and regulations on the term of office of professional members. These matters became the basis for the operation of the current Cultural Heritage Protection Act and the Cultural Heritage Committee. The following confirms that, unlike previously known activities, they were active despite political upheaval at the time. In spite of rapid regime change at the time, the committee had no change in its members, and the meetings continued without interruption. At that time, there was an exclusive relationship between different groups in relation to the preservation of cultural heritage, and this relationship was confirmed by the minutes that disappeared with the establishment of the Cultural Heritage Management Bureau, which integrated these groups. Finally, the form of the minutes prepared then shows the form of documentation at the time, where it is confirmed that the traditional documentation format is changing into a new form. It can be good research material in terms of modern and contemporary bibliography. As discussed earlier, the Cultural Heritage Conservation Committee of 1961 has historical significance in terms of legal and actual activities. The reason why the committee's activities were low valued is presumed to be that the minutes and related documents prepared at the time were not organized well due to the lack of a related administrative system. The minutes of the Cultural Heritage Conservation Committee record various facts about cultural heritage policies and decisions at that time. Therefore, analysis and research on these contents can reveal more facts about the cultural heritage policies and perceptions of that time.