• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.808-834
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• 2007

This study attempts to elucidate manifold dimensions of gendered accessibility experiences. How gender roles(household responsibilities) differentiate accessibility experiences between women and men is explored through the comparison of married dual-earner couples' parental status, using the US Portland activity-travel diary dataset with GIS-based geocomputation results of(time-geography based) space-time accessibility. First, this study shows how gender division of labor within the household still permeates current society, despite the widespread belief of the social change toward a gender-egalitarian society. Then, the study pays special attention to the way gender roles structure individual accessibility experiences of women and men differently, and, in turn, the way such accessibility experiences take a form of gendered spatiality. Gendered spatiality is examined through the analysis of accessibility space as well as activity space in order to ascertain women's home-attached and spatially entrapped characteristics. More household responsibilities throughout a day and, even more, the time constraint of picking up children at the daycare centers after work lead women's possible activity space to be more home-centered. The analysis of the spatio-temporal context of accessibility space makes gendered spatiality visible. However, the findings suggest that behavioral outcomes should be understood with an explicit awareness of constraints individuals face. It is because the revealed activity spaces can be not only an outcome of constraint but also an outcome of choice. Behavioral outcomes should not be treated as a straightforward expression of the level of constraints. It is problematic to expect that behavioral outcomes directly mirror the level of constraints. It is also problematic to suppose that the level of constraints can be straightforwardly elicited from revealed behavioral outcomes.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.22
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• pp.157-199
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• 2009

The organization for managing records and archives did not emerge together with the founding of the Chinese Communist Party. Such management became active with the establishment of the Department of Documents (文書科) and its affiliated offices overseeing reading and safekeeping of official papers, after the formation of the Central Secretariat(中央秘書處) in 1926. Improving the work of the Secretariat's organization became the focus of critical discussions in the early 1930s. The main criticism was that the Secretariat had failed to be cognizant of its political role and degenerated into a mere "functional organization." The solution to this was the "politicization of the Secretariat's work." Moreover, influenced by the "Rectification Movement" in the 1940s, the party emphasized the responsibility of the Resources Department (材料科) that extended beyond managing documents to collecting, organizing and providing various kinds of important information data. In the mean time, maintaining security with regard to composing documents continued to be emphasized through such methods as using different names for figures and organizations or employing special inks for document production. In addition, communications between the central political organs and regional offices were emphasized through regular reports on work activities and situations of the local areas. The General Secretary not only composed the drafts of the major official documents but also handled the reading and examination of all documents, and thus played a central role in record processing. The records, called archives after undergoing document processing, were placed in safekeeping. This function was handled by the "Document Safekeeping Office(文件保管處)" of the Central Secretariat's Department of Documents. Although the Document Safekeeping Office, also called the "Central Repository(中央文庫)", could no longer accept, beginning in the early 1930s, additional archive transfers, the Resources Department continued to strengthen throughout the 1940s its role of safekeeping and providing documents and publication materials. In particular, collections of materials for research and study were carried out, and with the recovery of regions which had been under the Japanese rule, massive amounts of archive and document materials were collected. After being stipulated by rules in 1931, the archive classification and cataloguing methods became actively systematized, especially in the 1940s. Basically, "subject" classification methods and fundamental cataloguing techniques were adopted. The principle of assuming "importance" and "confidentiality" as the criteria of management emerged from a relatively early period, but the concept or process of evaluation that differentiated preservation and discarding of documents was not clear. While implementing a system of secure management and restricted access for confidential information, the critical view on providing use of archive materials was very strong, as can be seen in the slogan, "the unification of preservation and use." Even during the revolutionary movement and wars, the Chinese Communist Party continued their efforts to strengthen management and preservation of records & archives. The results were not always desirable nor were there any reasons for such experiences to lead to stable development. The historical conditions in which the Chinese Communist Party found itself probably made it inevitable. The most pronounced characteristics of this process can be found in the fact that they not only pursued efficiency of records & archives management at the functional level but, while strengthening their self-awareness of the political significance impacting the Chinese Communist Party's revolution movement, they also paid attention to the value possessed by archive materials as actual evidence for revolutionary policy research and as historical evidence of the Chinese Communist Party.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.25
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• pp.109-130
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• 2010

As many countries in the world including the Republic of Korea have used all their national resources in the accelerating economic information warfare, illegal leakage of industrial technologies and information has increased rapidly. The costs required for damage prevention from 2007 to 2008 are estimated at approximately KRW 180 trillion which is expected to increase gradually in future. Because the tricks of leaking key technologies are also getting increasingly systematized, sophisticated and bigger, e.g., simple theft at the individual level or the conspiracy of all the staff taking part in the research activities, we should pay special attention to technology security in addition to technology development. While there are several factors affecting such the brain drain, they usually include personal, social, political and cultural factors, for instance, very heavy educational expenditure of children compared to relatively low pay, the speedy labor market circulation for experienced personnel, or political restrictions on researches. In this context, as part of efforts made to prevent the outflow of core personnel, individual companies and research institutes should establish systematically appropriate core personnel management systems for their own organizational or business goals and principles which are intented to ensure to give better treatment and benefit to core personnel and to exercise closer supervision over them. Furthermore, the conventional personnel management system should be radically and flexibly improved in the manner of encouraging the core personnel returning to the organization to combine their external experiences with practices, instead of penalizing them. At the same time, it is necessary to train and educate core personnel through mutual collaboration and in-house training facilities as well as external academic programs operated jointly at the level of the industry. Finally, as the issues concerning the outflow of core personnel are not just problems of relevant companies and other advanced countries have devoted their best efforts to secure their own key technologies at the national level, it is urgent for the industry and the competent authorities to cooperate closely.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Railway
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.81-94
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• 2008

Recently, most of countries have been adopting the policies that aim to deal with the Problems of road congestion, environmental problems and the decreasing the volume of rall. A vital important subject is the reform of railways. Actually, the reform of railways has been carried out in various kind of ways, however the most epoch-making policy has been privatization of railways. Historically, Japan made the first step when it carried out regional privatization, unifying the infrastructure and operation. It created a 6 passenger enterprises and 1 freight enterprise. Meanwhile, in the case of the UK, discussion about rail privatization started the middle of 1980 and was implemented in 1994. It was implemented according to a functional division based on a separation of infrastructure and operation, creating a lot of different enterprises. With regard to the UK and Japan, there have been some debates about the methods of privatization, in particular, some scholars suggest that the rail accidents in the UK are a result of division of the infrastructure and operation. In addition to, some insist that the accident which occurred on 27th April 2005 at Hukujiyama in Japan was also attributable to the emphasis on profitable management. This paper examines the process and outcomes of rail privatization between the UK and Japan, especially focusing on different methods of privatization. This paper may provide some lessens for rail privatization policy. First, the rail privatization policy needs a enough time to complete the scheme. Second it is require to participate in the consumer, mass communication and rail of ncers who are involved the operation. Third, it is essential to have a huge investment, high technology and strong organization to drive.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.107-152
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• 2010

This paper explores the historical process that created a specific understanding of and responses to atopic dermatitis(AD) in Korea. AD hardly has a status of an environmental disease in other societies but it is a representative environmental disease in South Korea in connection with various environmental pollutants, most notably with endocrine disrupting chemicals. This understanding of AD as an environmental disease led to an unprecedented legislation of the Environmental Health Act of 2008, a broad environmental health law with the precautionary principle and the focus on human aspect of environmental problems. In line with the growing body of works that articulate the roles of the public and culture in regulatory process, this paper argues that both the understanding of and the regulatory responses to AD owe greatly to the knowledge and political practice of the public, especially that of the 'Atopy moms'. Their knowledge practice that creatively appropriated scientific uncertainty regarding AD brought unexpected epistemological and political alliances, respectively with alternative medicine and with organic coop movement and an emergent political party and generated enough dynamics for the legislation of the EHA.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.74-99
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• 2011

This article tries to find out some regulatory facts to improve and vitalize roles of social media such as facebook, twitter, etc in the election campaign. For this goal, a theoretical approach is based on the agnostic and open aspects of the regulation system of election. Case study and in-depth interview were used as research methods in this article. The results are as follows. First, some differences are in the election regulatory system regarding the roles of social media in UK, US, Japan and Korea. The election public sphere systems of these countries categorized to the types of legal factors to control political communications in election public sphere; free-speech oriented system(UK. US), limited free-speech oriented system(Korea), normative-oriented system(Japan). Second, most respondents answered they agreed with some improvement ideas to reflect needs of netizen and academic who suggest to minimize regulatory burdens on social media in the political communication during the election campaign.

• Proceedings of The Korean Society of Health Promotion Conference
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• 2005.09a
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• pp.33-51
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• 2005

역량(capacity)이란 진술된 목표를 수행할 수 있는 능력을 의미하므로, 목표란 그 목표를 성취하기 위해서 요구되는 역량의 구체적 요소, 양, 질, 그리고 역량의 소재를 결정한다. 건강증진이란 문제를 파악하고 해결하기 위한, 그리고 조직이나 사람들이 그들의 목표를 성취하기 위한 응용과학으로 발전되어 왔다. 문제를 분석하고, 문제의 원인이나 결정요인들을 파악하고, 그리고 해결책을 제시하고 이를 실행하는데 있어 효과적인 방법론이 중요하다는 점도 또한 밝혀졌다. 그러므로 효과적인 건강증진의 토대가 되는 방법론은 건강을 증진을 위한 역량으로 정의될 수 있을 것이다. 목표는 매우 중요한 역할을 한다. 평균 기대수명을 향상시키는데 요구되는 능력은 생물학적인 그리고 행동적 건강위험을 감소시키는데 필요한 능력과는 다르다. 그리고 질병의 발생을 예방하고, 또는 상해를 예방하거나 모든 사람들이 좋은 건강상태를 얻고 유지하는데 동등한 기회를 갖는 환경을 조성하는 능력도 다른 특성을 지닌다. 방콕헌장은 현 단계의 건강증진을 위하여 건강에 대한 사회적 결정요인에 대한 해결책과 더불어 건강에 도움이 되는 사회적, 경제적, 그리고 물리적 환경을 조성하여 건강형평성을 달성하고자 하는 목표를 설정하고 있다. 지난 30년간 건강증진을 위한 역량에 대하여 많은 것들을 배울 수 있었다. 이러한 역량을 기르고 확대하는 것이 미래를 위한 도전과제가 되며, 비록 우리가 성취한 것이 많지는 않을지라도, 더 많은 것들이 필요하다는 점은 명백해졌다. 우리는 좀 더 야심 찬 목적을 가져야 하며, 이러한 목적달성을 위하려 좀더 의욕적인 노력을 해야 할 것이다. 전문분야로서 건강증진은 다른 사람들에 의하여 발생된 문제에 대한 대책이나 반응에만 중점을 둔 이방인으로서의 역할을 해왔다. 그러나 우리가 도전해야 할 과제는 좀 더 새롭고, 더욱 야심 찬 활동계획을 설정하고 우리가 건강해지고 건강을 유지하는데 필요한 생활환경, 작업환경, 여가환경, 영적 환경을 모든 사람들에게 제공할 수 있는 가족, 지역사회, 그리고 국가가 있는 세계를 만드는 우리사회의 능력들을 신장하는 것이다. 방콕 헌장은 건강증진을 위한 새로운 일련의 목표들을 제시하고 있다. 이제 이러한 목표를 성취할 수 있도록 역량을 기르는 것은 우리의 책임이 되었다. 이는 원하는 활동수준을 달성하기 위한 역량을 조율하고 확장시키는 것을 의미할 것이다. 구체적으로 기존의 건강증진효과성에 관한 증거들을 좀더 큰 규모의 사업으로 확대시키는 것, 공공정책을 개발하고 건강증진 상태를 평가하는 데 다양한 지역사회의 참여를 촉진시키는 능력, 언어, 인종, 성, 종교, 장애 등과 관련된 건강형평성의 문제를 파악하고 제거하는 노력, 그리고 정책결정과 인구집단의 건강과의 관련성에 대한 증거수집, 국가와 지역차원에서 사회적 의사결정 과정에의 적극적 참여, 다른 부문과의 건강증진을 위한 협력 등이 포함된다고 볼 수 있다. 본 논문은 방콕헌장을 분석함으로써 이러한 역량이란 무엇인가에 대한 본인의 의견을 제시하였다. 이러한 아이디어는 토론과 논쟁을 위하여 제시된 것이다. 명백한 것은 건강증진을 위한 역량은 전략이나 기술적인 능력 뿐 만이 아니라 정치적 능력이나 개인적인 능력도 포함된다는 점이다. 가치와 증거들이 정책이나 권력과 함께 결합되어야하며, 정치적인 논쟁 속에서 연마되어야 한다. 우리세계의 미래는 역량에 의존하기 때문이다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.145-173
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to verify that several theories explaining the determinants of welfare expenditure is applied to the family policy expenditure and to find out if there' re unique determinants of the family policy expenditure. We analyzed the data (OECD 14 countries for 1980~2005) by pooled time series analysis. As for industrialization theory, female labor force participation rate has positive effect on family policy expenditure while population under 15-year children has negative effect, which refers to the demand of family policies is that of female workers, not children's. Power resource theory is applied to the determinants of family policy expenditure as those of welfare expenditure. Women's political & economic empowerment has partly positive effects on family policy expenditure, which is the evidence of the effectiveness of feminist theory. In the institutional theory, we verified the effect of policy legacy but couldn't find out the crowding-out effect. The theoretical implication of this study is the empirical verification of the theories explaining the determinants of welfare expenditure being applied to the family policy expenditure. We also suggested the political and institutional foundation to effectively respond to the new social risks in spite of budget constraints, which can be a policy implication.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.spc
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• pp.133-161
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• 2005

The present paper examines trust, interpersonal relationship, and civil society in Scandinavia and East Asia. In the first section, the concepts of trust and democracy are defined. In the second section, the cultural transformations that paved the way for the development of democracy in the West and Scandinavia are reviewed. In the third section, the basis of trust and democracy in East Asia, focusing on Confucianism, is reviewed. In the fourth section, a review of an empirical study conducted with a national sample in Denmark, Sweden, Japan, and Korea is presented. The results indicate that both the Scandinavian and East Asian respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy and trust close ingroup members. East Asian respondents are less likely than Scandinavian respondents to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and much less likely to trust political and government institutions. Scandinavian respondents prefer tolerant leaders who lead by ideas, while Koreans prefer strong paternalistic and moral leaders. Japanese respondents are less supportive of paternalistic leaders. Overall, results indicate that in Scandinavia and East Asia, although the basic ideas about democracy and human rights are similar, the methods of implementing these ideas are different. When compared with Scandinavia, there is much lower transparency and accountability in East Asia. In the final section, the challenges that the modern democracies face are discussed.