• Title/Summary/Keyword: 조응성

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The Landscape Meaning and Literary Group Culture Carved in Danguedae and Samgaeseokmun of Imshil (임실(任實) 단구대(丹丘臺)와 삼계석문(三溪石門)에 새긴 의미경관과 단구구로회(丹丘九老會)의 아회(雅會)문화)

  • Lee, Hyun-Woo;Lee, Jung-Han;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.170-181
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    • 2011
  • This Research will explore the meaning indicated in the landscape meaning and feature of literary group culture, focusing in Gurujeong(九老亭: pavilion for nine elders) and Samgaeseokmun(三溪石門: stone gate in three valleys) located in Dundeok-myun, Imshil-gun, and will seek to understand the implications by studying the cultural landscape spread out in the area. The place where Gurojeong and Samgaeseokmun is located is the meeting point of the three valleys, Dunnam stream, Osu stream, and Yul stream, which is the main location to view the beautiful scenery, which has the nickname as the dwelling place of a celestial being. Especially, based on the description of old maps, "Samgae(three valleys)" and "Samgaeseokmun" possesses significance as a landmark and shows a characteristic feature of landscape structures of low hills. Dangugurohwe(丹丘九老會: nine elders gathering on the dwelling of a celestial being) originated from Hyangsangurohwe(香山九老會: gathering of nine elders on a fragrant mountain), where Baekgeoi(白居易) of China was one of the main people. This group was organized by nine elders over the age of 60 desiring to view the scenery of Doyeonmyeong. The group enhanced the literary spirit on the low hill, erecting a tower, and enjoying the beautiful scenery changing every season with scholars from the same region. This phenomenon seems to have been formed upon the positive response to gatherings of elders, which were prevalent in the Joseon Dynasty. If the internal idea pursued by the group was "longevity," the external idea pursued can be summarized as "the spirit the respect for the elders." Naming the groups as 'Dangudae(place where the celestial being lives), Guseondong(valley of seeking a celestial life), Bangjangsan(mountain of a high priest), and Daecheondae(place of communicating with God) was likely a device to introspect oneself and symbolize one's life process. Furthermore, the reason Samgaeseokmun, which is an imitation of Choi, Chiwon's work, was built near Soyocheo, was probably to yearn the celestial land and based on the desire to follow Choi, Chiwon, who was the most self-fulfilling being presumed to have become a celestial being by practicing the pursuit of freedom, escaping from the reality. After tracing the symbolizing meaning of the four letters carved in the left side of the stone wall of Dangudae, the conclusion that this place was not only a place for literary gatherings of the nine elders of Saseong(four families), but was a place where the celestial being dwelled could be inferred. Corresponding with Dangudae and Gurojeong, which are places where the order of human and nature is harmonized and where its meaning associated with the location intensifies, arouses strong bond, can be said to be the symbol of the traces of celestial beings where the spirits of attachment to a certain place is embedded. The acts performed in Dangugurohwe were those of traditional leisure including strolling, viewing the scenery, drinking, composing poems, and playing instruments, and sometimes listening to stories, tea ceremony, prayers, and fishing were added, which indicates that the gathering had a strong tendency towards pastoral and hermit life.

An Analysis of Factors Associated with Private Owner's Attitude toward Forest Management (사유림소유자(私有林所有者)의 시업의식(施業意識)에 영향(影響)을 미치는 제요인(諸要因)의 분석(分析))

  • Cho, Eung Hyouk
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.260-268
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    • 1982
  • The study has been carried out to investigate the relationship of certain factors to the private owners' attitudes toward forest management. The dependent variable is the attitude toward forest management, and the six independent variables are owner's age, educational level, forestland area, socioeconomic status, communicational and sociopsychological factors. The dependent variables were measured by Likert attitude scale. The data used in the study were obtained from 262 common-and model-forest owners, and analyzed primarily by multiple correlation statistical technique. Major findings of the study are summarized as follows; 1. The average score of common-owners' attitudes toward forest management is significantly lower than that of model-owners'. The scores of such independent variables as age, forestland area, socioeconomic status and communication of common-owners are also significantly lower than those of model-owners', while the significant difference of sociopsychological scores is not recognized between two owner groups. 2. The common-owners' attitudes toward forest management are negatively correlated with age variable, arid positively with other independent variables. On the other hand, the model-owners' are negatively correlated with education variable, arid positively with age, communicational and sociopsychological factors. 3. The multiple correlation coefficient between common-owner' management-attitude scores and six independent variables is 0.6971. About 41 percent of the variance of this attitude cart be explained by sociopsychological factor, and other 7 percent by communicational variable. In case of model-owners, the multiple correlation coefficient is 0.5207, and about 16.2 percent of the variance of the attitude can be explained by sociopsychological factor and 6 percent by age variable. 4. The multiple correlation coefficient between the attitude scores of all-owners arid such seven different personality factors as fatalistic, trustful, cooperative, ambitious, conservative, scientific and traditional familism personalities is 0.6566. In this case, 15 percent of the variance of the management-attitude can be explained by ambitious personality, and 11.2 percent by traditional familism. 5. The private forest owners' attitudes toward forest management are greatly affected by sociopsychological and communicational factors. The emphasis should be therefore put on the forestry extension works to induce private owners to management practices.

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An Economic Analysis of Land Investment for Plantations by Faustmann's Formula (Faustmann식(式)에 의(依)한 조림용(造林用) 임지(林地)의 투자지표(投資指標) 설정(設定))

  • Cho, Eung Hyouk
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.40 no.1
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    • pp.19-24
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    • 1978
  • The study was conducted to find out the relationship between land cost and financial yield earned by the plantations of Pinus koraiensis, Pinus densiflora and Cryptomeria japonica, and to investigate possible land investment for the given rates of return. The result of the study could be summarized as follows: 1. In the case of Pinus koraiensis plantation on site index 12, the finnancial yield was 6.4 percent when the land cost was 0.5 million Won per hectare, but the yield was reduced to 2.1 percent when the cost was 2.5 million Won. It would be therefore necessary for inducing plantation investment to raise financial yield by control of forest land price. 2. The financial yield on land of zero expectation value, in other words, internal rate of return of land investment was estimated at 10 percent. If the opportunity cost of forest land is higher than this, the economic plantation is not visible even though the land is free. 3. With the expected financial yield of 3 percent, the possible land investment of poor sites was estimated at 1.24, 0.28 and 0.80 million Won per hectare for the plantation of Pinus koraiensis, Pinus densiflora and Cryptomeria japonica, respectively. In any case, however, land cost could not be over 3 million Won per hectare. 4. The rate earned from forest land investment was generally less than 10 percent. Therefore, the annual interest rate in forestry could not be higher than this, and hopeful rate is not exceeding 6 percent.

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A study about the petition to the king of Doam(陶菴) Leejae(李縡) (도암(陶菴) 이재(李縡)의 상소문(上疏文) 연구)

  • Kwon, Jinok
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.68
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    • pp.35-67
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    • 2017
  • This paper examines the petition to the king of Doam(陶菴) Leejae(李縡), one of the key figures of 18th century. He wrote a total of 49 he petition to the king, mostly resignation petition to the king. He emphasized the genuine feelings and emphasized the accurate persuasion logic when he was writing a petition to the king. It is not contradictory to these elements, looking at his actual situation he wrote. He wrote the resignation petition to the king three times to resign Daejehak (大提學), he changed his persuasion logic in each of the resignation petition to the king. We can look at the aspect of transforming persuasion logic on the same topic. His resignation petition to the king, for the first time, was particularly well structured in terms of composition, and used a proper accent method. His resignation petition to the king has the beautiful literary art of gomun(古文), such as the expression of the so-called munjongjasoon(文從字順) and the composition of paragraph organically corresponding. The best work of his resignation petition to the king is Maneonso(萬言疏). The contents criticized Yeongjo(英祖)'s tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策) while evaluating Sinimoksa(辛壬獄事). It consists of a total of 5,300 letters. This work repeatedly used the irony, the method of seolui(設疑), and the incremental method to criticize the tangpyeongchaek(蕩平策), and put Yeongjo(英祖)'s position to the corner. This work is an example of other the resignation petition to the king.

The Construction of the Life World and the Relationship of Gods, Men, Animals seen through Hunting, Stock Raising, Sacrifice in Shang Dynasty (상나라 수렵, 목축, 제사를 통해서 본 삶의 세계 구축과 신, 인간, 동물의 관계)

  • Lim, Hyunsoo
    • The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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    • no.31
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    • pp.141-172
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    • 2017
  • The objectives of this paper are to investigate hunting, stock raising, sacrifice recorded in the oracle bone inscriptions of Shang Dynasty. I want to raise two basic questions. First, what were the functions of hunting, stock raising, sacrifice, which constructed the world of life in Shang Dynasty? Second, what were the relationships of gods, men, animals derived from them? These questions are brought up to how the commoners of Shang Dynasty build the world and perceive it. I adopted positively prevalent theories for answering those questions. I am particularly provided with Michael J. Puett's insightful remarks in this presentation. He criticizes the previous viewpoint that the relationships of gods and men in ancient China were harmonious and mutually respondent. According to him, in the ancient way of thinking of China the world of gods was full of whimsical and unpredictable power and also contained the risks, which led to disaster to the human world. So it is needed to be controled in a certain way. The sacrifice and the divination must have been instruments for controlling it in ancient China. In the same vein his arguments can be applied to the special connotations of hunting and stock raising, by the benefit of which I developed my own ideas in this paper. The conclusions are as follows. First, Shang dynasty tried to suppress the latent danger of two worlds. The nature represented by animals and the world of gods were respectively considered as the unknown domains, which is to threatening human life. Hunting, stock raising, sacrifice were the ways and means of controlling these two domains of power, which cause chaos in life. Second, the relationships among gods, men, animals had various functions and changed their status role, depending on the circumstances. Hunting and stock raising were important methods to domesticate animals with violence. In this domestication process animals became "victims" but animals are also to be the messengers to gods through being slain in the sacrifice. In this way animals are both inferior and superior to men and hold a unique status between gods and men.

Studies on the Spacial Compositions and the Characteristics of the Alter System at Daebodan in the Changdeok Palace (창덕궁 대보단(大報壇)의 공간구성과 단제(壇制) 특성에 관한 고찰)

  • Jung, Woo Jin;Sim, Woo Kyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.46 no.1
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    • pp.318-345
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    • 2013
  • This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

Analysis of Management Status and Optimum Production Scale of Quarrying Firms in Korea -Comparative Analysis of Aggregate and Building-Stone Quarrying Firms- (산지채석업체(山地採石業體)의 경영실태(經營實態) 및 적정규모설정(適正規模設定) -골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)와 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 비교(比較) 분석(分析)-)

  • Joung, Ha Hyeon;Cho, Eung Hyouk
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.80 no.1
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    • pp.72-81
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    • 1991
  • This study was carried out to provide necessary information for improving quarrying industry management in Korea. The results of the study are summarized as follows : 1. In aggregate and building-stone quarrying firms the managers over 40 years of age are 97% and 89.1%, the ones above education level of high school are 90% and 85% and the ones not more than 10 years of quarrying experience are 70% and 52%, respectively. Accordingly it can be pointed out that most of the managers of two types of firms are relatively old, have high educational background, while quarrying experiences of building-stone firm managers are longer than that of aggregate firm managers. 2. Most of the management forms are social corporation(60%) for aggregate quarry firms and private management(76%) for building-stone firms. Average areas of permitted stone-pits of aggregate and building-stone quarries are about 2.86ha and 1.66ha respectively. That is, aggregate quarrying firms are carried on a larger scale than building-stone quarrying firms. 3. The yearly average product of aggregate quarrying firms has increased steadily from $88.961m^3$ in 1985 to $144.028m^3$ in 1988, while, in case of building-stone quarry firms, it has significantly increased from $4.155m^3$ to $19.462m^3$ from 1985 to 1987, but reduced to $13.400m^3$ in 1988. Unstable production activities of building-stone quarrying firms may require continuous government support. 4. Major cost items are equipment rental, depreciation, salaries, repair, maintenance for aggregate quarrying firms, and salaries, depreciation, fuel, tax for building-stone quarrying firms. The yearly average rate of return is about 9.7% for aggregate quarry firms and 2.6% for building-stone quarry firms. It can be pointed out that aggregate quarrying firms is better managed than building-stone quarrying firms. 5. The production elasticity of salary for aggregate quarrying firms is 0.495, that of employees is 0.559, and that of capital service is 0.513. The sum of the elasticities is 1.257>1. Fur building-stone quarrying firms, that of employees is 0.492, that of variable costs is 0.192, and that of capital service is 0.498. The sum of elasticities is 1.172>1, thus denotes the increasing returns to scale for both types quarrying firms. 6. The ratio of marginal value product to opportunity cost of empolyees is 2.54, that of variable costs is 3.62, and that of capital service is 1.45, in aggregate quarrying firms. That of employees is 2.47, that is variable costs was 2.34, and that of capital service is 19.67 in building-stone quarrying firms. Therefore the critical factors for more expansion of management scale in aggregate quarrying firms are variable cost and employees, and are capital service in building-stone quarry ing firms. 7. The break-even points of stone sales are about 0.587 billion won and 0.22 billion won in aggregate and building-stone quarrying firms respectively. The optimum sales Level for profit maximization are about 2.0 billion and 0.5 billion in aggregate and building-stone quarry firms respectively.

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Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.