• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.79
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• pp.196-225
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• 2016

This study investigated the coverage on the settlement of pro-Japanese Koreans by Dongailbo and Chosunilbo during the U.S. Military Government period. 266 related articles of two newspapers searched by 6 keywords were analyzed quantitatively. And the qualitative analysis on the coverage of related issues were supplemented. Generally two newspapers can be evaluated as passive on the pro-Japanese issues. They said that anti-national activities of that time which might be an obstacle to the establishment of independent nation even more critical than the pro-Japanese activities in the past. In addition they suggested to suspend the settlement of pro-Japanese Koreans after the establishment of Korean Government, because the settlement might cause a big confusion and a vacuum of personnel. On some issues the distinction between two newspapers derived from their political orientation were revealed. Dongailbo represented the standpoint of the rightists fully and Chosunilbo revealed relatively balanced coverage.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.232-267
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• 2008

This study is a comparative analysis of news frames between Chosunilbo and Hankyereh which have shown contrastive political attitude. The coverage of two political scandal, the Prime Minister Lee Haechan's golf happening and an Assemblyman of opposition party Choi Yeonhee's sexual harassment were analysed. The two political scandals were occurred one after the other and had some similarities. But two newspapers showed very contrastive frame on the two political scandals. On the Prime Minister Lee's scandal Chosunilbo showed politicizing frame, lobby golf frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. In contrast Hankyereh used depoliticization frame and human error frame. On the Assemblyman Choi's scandal Hankyereh showed politicizing frame, personal responsibility frame, immorality frame, resignation frame. But Chosunilbo used social responsibility frame and human error frame. In conclusion two newspapers showed very contrastive coverage according to the respective political attitude.

• KLA journal
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.3-10
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• 1983

• The Science & Technology
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• v.29 no.11 s.330
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• pp.88-89
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• 1996

1958년 한국일보 과학부기자로 출발하여 조선일보 과학부차장, 중앙일보 과학부장, 과기처 대변인, 주일대사관 과학관 등 91년까지 우리나라 개척기의 과학기술계 현장과 일본의 과학기술 발전과정을 10년간 현장에서 목격한 기술평론가 이종수씨의 '일본 견문기'를 연재한다.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
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• no.12 s.190
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• pp.95-95
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• 1996

이 글은 최근 일부 신문 독자투고란에 실린 독자의견에 대해 우리 협회가 유가산정의 정확한 과정과 내용을 알려 소비자들의 이해를 돕기 위해 조선일보(11.6). 세계일보(11.9). 경향신문(11.11). 중앙일보(11.18)등에 투고ㆍ게재한 반론의 원문임. <편집자 주>

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.132-155
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• 2011

The aim of this study is to examine the Korean journalists in Busan during the Japanese colonial period. For this purpose this study analyze the managers of Busan branch of the Dong-A Daily News and Chosun Daily News. The personal history and ideological background of them show that the majority have the career of socialist or nationalist movement. In case of the Dong-A Daily News, at least five managers out of nine came from socialist movement. An Heeje and Kim Jongbeom of the Dong-A Daily News were a nationwide figure in nationalist and socialist movement. The ideological background of the managers of the Dong-A Daily News were more progressive than those of the Chosun Daily News. This difference of two newspapers seem to be resulted from the characteristic and social reputation of them. The activists of that time viewed the newspapers as the most effective instrument to approach to mass. And the executives of two newspaper companies also viewed these activists have advantages to the sales promotion of the newspapers.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.29-72
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• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.223-243
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• 2013

Value collision takes place in the news organization at times. The concept of social responsibility has been serving as the raison d'$\hat{e}$tre not just of individual reporters but eventually of journalism in general. But when the organizational interests are at stake, more realistic values contributing to the organization often override the normative values. This phenomenon occurs since there exists a clear discrepancy between the nominally highlighted values and the virtual values of press owner or news organization. Focusing on Chosun Ilbo, this paper tries to identify the values a news organization really underlines and pursues, and explores the nature of organizational culture embedded in these values. In specific, this study analyzes such performances as ceremonies and rituals, regular or occasional, in Chosun Ilbo, since these are cultural practices which produce and circulate particular meanings and values forming the basis of organizational culture. According to this study, 'strong unity' is the core value which the owner family in Chosun Ilbo has ever been spotlighting. As long as the strong unity is stressed, the role playing as members of news organization for its interest is more highly regarded than carrying out the normative missions given unto the journalists in general.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.49
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• pp.57-80
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• 2010

This study examines how national newspapers interpret, evaluate and report the Korean grand canal and rebuilding four major rivers through the news writings. For this research, ChosunIlbo, the Hankyoreh Shinmun and HankukIlbo are selected. A total of 961 news writings are analyzed by using the concept of news frame designed by Gamson(1993). As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the most frequently reported news frame for ChosunIlbo is economic consequence; the Hankyoreh for ecological environment, and HankukIlbo for authoritative political execution by the administrative. Second, the most frequently interviewed group through all of the papers is the administrative and the ruling Grand National Party, the main body of rebuilding the Korean grand canal. On the country, voices of environmental protection groups, non-profit civic organizations and the ordinary people are reported rarely. Third, the ratio of authoritative political execution by the administrative and economic consequence are very high. Finally, in terms of the framing activity by the interviewed groups in the newspapers, ChosunIlb reports 'Outcome' the most frequently, the Hankyoreh does 'Loss-gain' & 'Process' and HankukIlbo 'Process' & 'Substantive'. Thus it concluded that ChosunIlbo does not play a role as a social mediator for the social disputes. However, the Hankyoreh and HankukIlbo try to represent environmental and civic organizations fairly.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.28
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• pp.219-249
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• 2005

This study analyzes the historical cases of audience's boycott movement to the Korean newspapers in the mid-1920s. five historical cases from 1924 till 1927 were analyzed in this study. These cases have a few differences in comparison with the cases of the early 1920s. Firstly, the boycott movement was activated considerably, and the target of movement was diversified. The number of cases in early 1920s was only two, and the target of both cases were The Dong-A Ilbo. But we could confirm at least 7 cases in mid 1920s through this study. In addition to The Dong-A Ilbo, the target included The Chosun Ilbo, and The Namsun Ilbo published in Masan. The location of the movement was not restricted to Seoul. It was also executed at the small cities and rural areas, such as Masan, Jinnampo, Bugang. Ihe analysis of the context of the boycott reveals that most cases wert caused mainly by the conflict of interest between parties. Some parties that dissatisfied with the coverage of a newspaper resolved and executed the boycott to that newspaper.