• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.3-26
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• 1990

Encouraged by the investment in the rice paddy, the introduction of new varieties (Tong-Il), and the price support program, there has been great success in increasing rice production. Meanwhile, the demand for rice has decreased rapidly as per capita income continues to rise. Rice self-sufficiency has been attained, and a new over-supply problem is emerging. Moreover, the Uruguay Round Agricultural Negotiation would prohibit government price support for agricultural products. In October the Korean government decides the government purchase amount and support price, which works as the price guideline. All interested parties exert political efforts to influence the decision. The continued increase of the government purchase price of rice due to political pressure pushed the government purchase price above the market wholesale price in 1988. Also, the farmers preferred to sell to the government than to the wholesaler. This has discouraged the market mechanism, and the government is to take over the three functions of the market mechanism: stockpiling, seasonal price fluctuation adjustment, and circulation. Another big increase may cause the government purchase price to rise above the consumer price, which might lead to arbitrage opportunities for the farmers and suffocate the market mechanism. However, the current political situations limits the options for the Korean government. This paper argues that a supply control policy will reduce the social cost resulting from the high level of producer price support, and it proposes several second best policies: First, the production of new varieties should be reduced rapidly. Second, the old rice in the government warehouse should be auctioned or disposed of in order to reduce the government handling and management costs. Third, the acreage diversion program should be launched in order to control rice paddy acreage. Fourth, a social welfare program in rural areas should be introduced, since the share of population over 60 is increasing rapidly. Fifth, instead of the price support which is forbidden by the Uruguay Round, Korea should restructure the agricultural industry by developing new crops, by enhancing productivity and by improving the agricultural infrastructure.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.75-96
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• 2013

This paper is to conceptualize the urban social circulation of water from the social constructivism and political ecology, and to analyze the history of development of social circulation of water, that is, the modernization process of water in Daegu. The development of social circulation system of water in Daegu can be divided into 4 stages, that is, the beginning stage of modernization of water mainly during the period of Japanese colonization, the take-off stage from the 1960s to the mid-1980s, the stage of reflexive modernization from the late 1980s to the 1990s, and that of neoliberalization of water since the 2000s. It can be seen that the development of social circulation system of water in Daegu has contributed the increasing urban population and economic development, especially supporting the spatial expansion of the city and the way of modern way of urban life. But the social circulation system of water in Daegu seems to meet with a lot of problems such as relocation of the water intake station, over-equipment of filtration plants, distrust on tap water, inequality of water use, readjustment of water charge, liquid waste from industrial complexes within the urban area, creative destruction of waterfront environment, and privatization of water.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.69-96
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• 2019

This paper is written to suggest several recommendations for South Korea to deter and defend North Korean nuclear threat, when North Korea does not seem to give up its nuclear weapons and the US's extended deterrence including the nuclear umbrella could remain uncertain. For this purpose, it explains key options regarding nuclear deterrence and defense by non-nuclear weapon state. It evaluates the current status of South Korean non-nuclear preparedness against North Korean nuclear threat and provides some recommendations to improve the preparedness. As a result, this paper concluded that South Korean non-nuclear preparedness against North Korean nuclear threat was not that reliable. The preparedness has weakened since the South Korean effort to denuclearize North Korea through negotiations in 2018. In this sense, South Korea could have serious problems in protecting its people from North Korean nuclear threat if the US promise of extended deterrence is not implemented. South Korea should focus on its decapitation operation to North Korean highest leaders in case of North Korean nuclear attack based on a minimal deterrence concept. It should be prepared to conduct preventive strikes instead of preemptive strikes due to North Korea's development of solid fuel ballistic missiles. It should integrate its Ballistic Missile Defense with that of the US forces in Korea. South Korea should make a sincere effort for nuclear civil defense including construction of nuclear shelters.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.159-203
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• 2010

Together with the development of space science outer space law has become one of the most rapidly developing branches of international law. This reflects a general realization that these new activities must be subject to reasonable legal regulation if they are to serve the peaceful purposes of mankind without undue confusion and disorder. The exploration and use of outer space introduces many novel opportunities and dilemmas, and inspired insights are needed in the development of this new resource. In particular, the settlement of space law disputes is a relatively new discussion in international law. However, the significance of the settlement of space law disputes was acknowledged in various colloquia organized by legal academicians and practitioners around the world. Analysis of the dispute settlement provisions in space agreements plainly reveals the degree to which States persist to be mistrustful of any impingement to their sovereignty. They are reluctant to submit disputes to adjudication and binding arbitration, particularly when these provisions are negotiated between States which have dissimilar political, economic and social interests and demography. However, there is a slow but clear shift in this attitude as States realize the contemporary political, economic and technical pressures necessitating the lifting of the veil of State sovereignty. The development of an effective mechanism for the settlement of disputes arising in relation to the development of the exploration and exploitation of outer space has been the subject of global study by highly qualified publicists and international institutions. The 1972 Liability Convention is the space treaty with the most elaborate provisions for dispute settlement. However, it fails to ensure binding decisions. In this point, the 1998 Taipei Final Draft Convention may be a useful instrument for further consideration on whether an independent sectorialized dispute settlement mechanism should be established. Considering these circumstances it seemed essential to take legislative action to implement a system as comprehensive as the relevant legal framework are in the Law of the Sea and International Criminal Law mechanisms for dispute settlement and conflict avoidance from outer space activities.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.50
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• pp.33-59
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• 2002

This study aims to provide policy suggestions by examining the perception and attitude of Koreans toward the welfare rights. The study was done through a telephone survey conducted by an opinion research institute on 2,050 respondents in 16 cities and provinces. The results are as follows. First, a majority of Koreans responded that the primary responsibility for welfare rests with the government and perceived their welfare receipt rights in a positive way. Respondents also showed an assertive attitude toward exercising their rights by stating that they intend to file a demurrer or participate in civic activities. Second, in terms of duty performance, most respondents showed different positions concerning tax hike and insurance rate increase, although they showed a stronger opposition to an increase in insurance fee. In addition, 90% of the respondents were in favor of building welfare institutions in the residential area and an overwhelming proportion of the respondents indicated that they would take an active part in welfare development by regularly paying taxes and volunteering. Third, the respondents gave a very negative rating to Koreas welfare system and its overall level. That is, people thought that the level of Koreas welfare system is on a par with that in developing or underdeveloped countries, and that the welfare system benefits no one or only the rich. People generally felt that there was not one proper welfare institution. In conclusion, the study found that Koreans have keen awareness of their welfare rights and proactive attitude toward welfare development, whereas negative viewpoint toward tax and insurance fee increases. This may stem from peoples distrust of government welfare policies and the existing welfare system. This study suggests that welfare policy is an important factor in determining peoples political attitude. Therefore, government authorities must recognize people not as passive receivers of welfare benefit but as active policy partners, and establish policies that reflect peoples high welfare rights perception and willingness to take part in welfare development.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.27-52
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• 2022

Objectives: The neighboring countries of South Korea and Japan in Northeast Asia have interacted in both positive and negative ways, at times as close partners and other times adversaries, throughout their long and thorny history of extensive dynamics. The controversial dispute over Dokdo is one of the most critical issues evoking harsh tensions and arguments asserting wholly opposite claims. Dokdo is a small island between two coastal states, but significant in terms of territorial, botanical, and marine resources, and thus ownership of the island has become a point of conflict accompanied by a troubled history. But why has Dokdo been a source of conflicts and how should the controversial Dokdo issue be addressed in a way that fosters positive influence and co-prosperity? Methods: This study provides comprehensive and critical insights from a wealth of previous research and strategic suggestions for the Korean government. It utilizes the three perspectives of historical documents and political context, international regulations and legal frames, and public diplomacy. Furthermore, it applies these resources to negotiation theories and strategies to propose reasonable solutions. Results: This study suggests that it is important for Korea and Japan to try to build mutual trust through more active communication and interaction in order to understand each other before attempting to create a formal resolution via negotiation. In addition to these efforts, Korea needs to be ready for the inevitable need to take decisive action in terms of negotiation, using analytic and efficient strategies. The study proposes three solutions: 1) Strong Action Strategy, 2) International Legal Strategy, and 3) Public Diplomacy Strategy. Conclusions: From the perspective of public diplomacy, the Dokdo issue needs to be converted from a symbol of conflicts between Korea and Japan into a symbol of peace and co-prosperity. In addition to promoting a positive relationship between the two states, it can also contribute to the security environment of the Northeast Asian region and global peace.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.71-103
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• 2009

Considering the expenditure size of public institutions centering on public enterprises, about 28% of Korea's GDP in 2007, public institutions have significant influence on the Korean economy. However, still in the new government, there are voices of criticism about the need of constant reform on public enterprises due to their irresponsible management impeding national competitiveness. Especially, political controversy over appointment of executives such as CEOs of public enterprises has caused the distrust of the people. As one of various reform measures for public enterprises, this study analyzes the effect of internal governance structure of public enterprises on their managerial performance, since, regardless of privatization of public enterprises, improving the governance structure of public enterprises is a matter of great importance. There are only a few prior researches focusing on the governance structure and managerial performance of public enterprises compared to those of private enterprises. Most of prior researches studied the relationship between parachuting employment of CEO and managerial performance, and concluded that parachuting produces negative effect on managerial performance. However, different from the results of such researches, recent studies suggest that there is no relationship between employment type of CEOs and managerial performance in public enterprises. This study is distinguished from prior researches in view of following. First, prior researches focused on the relationship between employment type of public enterprises' CEOs and managerial performance. However, in addition to this, this study analyzes the relationship of internal auditors and managerial performance. Second, unlike prior researches studying the relationship between employment type of public corporations' CEOs and managerial performance with an emphasis on parachuting employment, this study researches impact of employment type as well as expertise of CEOs and internal auditors on managerial performance. Third, prior researchers mainly used non-financial indicators from various samples. However, this study eliminated subjectivity of researchers by analyzing public enterprises designated by the government and their financial statements, which were externally audited and inspected. In this study, regression analysis is applied in analyzing the relationship of independence and expertise of public enterprises' CEOs and internal auditors and managerial performance in the same year. Financial information from 2003 to 2007 of 24 public enterprises, which are designated by the government, and their personnel information from the board of directors are used as samples. Independence of CEOs is identified by dividing CEOs into persons from the same public enterprise and persons from other organization, and independence of internal auditors is determined by classifying them into two groups, people from academic field, economic world, and civic groups, and people from political community, government ministries, and military. Also, expertise of CEOs and internal auditors is divided into business expertise and financial expertise. As control variables, this study applied foundation year, asset size, government subsidies as a proportion to corporate earnings, and dummy variables by year. Analysis showed that there is significantly positive relationship between independence and financial expertise of internal auditors and managerial performance. In addition, although business expertise and financial expertise of CEOs were not statistically significant, they have positive relationship with managerial performance. However, unlike a general idea, independence of CEOs is not statistically significant, but it is negatively related to managerial performance. Contrary to general concerns, it seems that the impact of independence of public enterprises' CEOs on managerial performance has slightly decreased. Instead, it explains that expertise of public enterprises' CEOs and internal auditors plays more important role in managerial performance rather than their independence. Meanwhile, there are limitations in this study as follows. First, in contrast to private enterprises, public enterprises simultaneously pursue publicness and entrepreneurship. However, this study focuses on entrepreneurship, excluding considerations on publicness of public enterprises. Second, public enterprises in this study are limited to those in the central government. Accordingly, it should be carefully considered when the result of this study is applied to public enterprises in local governments. Finally, this study excludes factors related to transparency and democracy issues which are raised in appointment process of executives of public enterprises, as it may cause the issue of subjectivity of researchers.