• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.1-33
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• 2011

Plato's political thought is developed in , and . He hopes 'justifiable state' that all citizens can get happiness. He suggests the plan of the ideal state. And the most important element in this ideal state is philosopher-king. His metaphysics, psychology and education theory are melted in philosopher-king. But in actual, the appearance of chis ideal ruler is impossible. Therefore he finds the second best state in . Then does Plato gives up his dream of the ideal state or approaches to that closely? And ruler stands against laws or relates with partnership? This article deals with these problems. As last, we will compare Plato's ideal state and philosopher-king to God's kingdom and Jesus in the Bible.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.37-63
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• 2002

The previous study has assumed that dialogue and debate could not have been activated by the hierachical Confucian norm and political authoritarianism in Korean society. Political democracy has developed in Korean society since 1987. But many observers have pointed out that the culture of debate still remained undeveloped in Korean society. This study assumes that the key factor of determining the quantity and frequency of debate is the polilitical factor such as authoritarianism, but the determining one of qualitative dimension such as debate competence derived from the epistemological tradition. In order to ascertian this hypothesis, this study explored the epistemological basis of Confucian thoughts in comparison with the classical Greek thoughts. In classical Greek society, philosophers considered that the purpose of debate is to find and to ascertain the truth. Bur Confucian scholors didn't look upon questioning the truth. Instead they considered practicing or doing of the truth worthful. Therefore, in a society which were much influenced by the Confucian thought, the culture of debate could not have been developed.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.71
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• pp.155-179
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• 2022

This study aims to apply Hannah Arendt's concept of 'collective responsibility' to the Christian education on environmental issues around the world, focusing on climate change. This study prepares the concept of 'collective responsibility' and the concept of 'collective guilt' and emphasizes the fact that the current climate change problem should be seen as a political task rather than a task of personal ethics. According to Arendt's theory, Christian education activities applying 'collective responsibility' for climate change can become action. This study has four suggestions for Christian learning to understand and recognize climate change. First, presenting and justifying the anxiety and anger toward climate change in the classroom. Second, transcending self-interest (egocentrism) through "Common Sense (enlarged mentality)" in Kantian terms. Third, building education communities through 'citizen participatory education,' running communication, and conversation. Fourth, encouraging experience and practice in every education community with "faith expressing itself through love (Gal 5:6)." Then, to be sure, this refers to not only love of neighbor in Christianity but also political friendship (philia politikē). The academic significance of this study is that it is the first interdisciplinary research paper in Korea which dealt with Arendt's political theory in relation to Christian education. Although it claims to be a theoretical work that applies Arendt's political theory from a systematic theological perspective to Christian education, the author is proud that it is accompanied by practical elements that can be actualized in the education field.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.235
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• pp.22-23
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• 1998

때는 1912년 5월의 어느날. 소쉬르가 저 불후의 기념비적 작품 '일반언어학'을 강의했던 스위스 즈네브 대학의 강의실. 한국의 소장 기호학자 김성도는 15년 전부터 연구해온 소쉬르 선생과 가상 대화를 각기 전에 시간여행을 하여 그의 강의를 경청하기 위해 이곳에 왔다. 맑고 투명한 어조, 전치사 하나까지 배려하는 정치한 언어 구사, 눈이 부실 정도의 푸른 눈빛, 사물을 투시하는 눈매, 짙은 눈썹과 근엄한 구렛나루, 귀족적 이미지의 뛰어난 외모는 학생들의 혼을 사로잡고 있었다. 수강생은 고작 열명 안팍이었지만, 20세기 인문학의 새로운 '퍼스펙티브'를 열어줄 언어사상의 잉태가 이루어지고 있었다. 강의가 끝나자, 소쉬르 선생은 반갑게 한국에서 온 젊은 학인을 맞이하였고, 장소를 옮겨 즈네브로부터 약 20km 떨어진 아름다운 고성이자 소쉬르 가문의 유산인 뷰풀랑 성으로 안내하였다. 소쉬르 선생은 바로 이곳에서 언어의 본질에 대한 심오한 성찰과 침잠에 빠지곤 했으며, 1913년 2월 22일 55년간의 생애를 마감한 곳도 바로 이곳이다.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.253
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• pp.26-27
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• 1999

'사르디니아 섬으로 그를 찾아갔더라면.' 잠깐 동안이지만 머릿속에 그런 생각이 스치고 지나갔다. 그를 연구하고 그에게서 배웠던 후학으로서 그를 내가 살고 있는 이 도시로 초대한다는 것은 조금 무례한 처사라고 생각이 들었다. 무엇보다 그의 이름과 함께 연상되는 파시스트 감옥의 눅눅함과 스물다섯이 될 때까지 하얀 수의를 준비해 놓고 살았다는 그의 힘든 병마와의 투쟁 때문에라도, 햇빛 따뜻한 어느 해변가에서 그를 만났어야 했다는 후회를 했다. 그런 후회도 잠시, 깃을 세운 남루한 잿빛 외투를 걸친, 작지만 다부져 보이는 인상의 그가 저만치서 걸어오는 것이 보였다. 둥그런 돋보기 안경과 훤칠한 이마 위로 넘겨진 곱슬머리. 틀림없이 내가 기다리던 바로 그 사람이었다. 따듯한 차 한잔도 없이 나는 그와 찬바람 불어오는 서울의 빌딩숲 사이를 걷고 있었다. 한동안 내 입은 얼어붙어 있었다. 날씨 탓만은 아니리라. 나는 '거인'과 걷고 있었던 것이다. 어렵사리 말을 꺼낼 수 있었다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2023.11a
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• pp.575-576
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• 2023

한국 수어는 소리로 말을 배울 수 없어서 사용하는 '보이는 언어'이고 한국수화언어를 줄인 말이다. 한국어나 영어와 같이 독립된 언어로 한국어와는 문법 체계가 다른 대한민국 농인의 고유한 언어이다. 하지만, 한국 사회에서는 수어를 일상어로 사용하는 농인이 수어만으로 다른 사람과 대화하거나 서비스 등을 이용하기에는 쉽지 않은 구조이다. 이에 본 논문에서는 택시라는 상황을 가정해 택시 안에서 학습된 모델이 농인의 수어를 인식하고 택시 기사에게 해당 의미를 전달하는 시스템을 제안한다. 제안 시스템을 통해 택시 기사는 농인(수어사용자)에게 응답할 수 있다. 본 논문에서는 한국수어 번역기 웹서비스를 설계 및 구현하여 실제 환경에서의 활용 가능성을 검증한다.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.47-60
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• 2015

This study observes the fact that there exist restrictions due to the election-law-based regulations on web campaigns in Korea although web campaigns are widely spreading around the globe, and aims to analyze this aspect from the political context. As a result of the research, first, this study found out that Article 93, Clause 1 of the makes it possible to do permanent web campaigns on the strength of the Constitutional Court's decision of limited unconstitutionality, whereas Article 59 and 254 of the same Law(Election Campaign Offence) differ from the above Article 93, Clause 1; thus, it is necessary to revise the relevant law. Second, as for the request for taking measures for the depletion of ISP, etc., it is necessary to reform the provisions of the and together. These provisions are excessive regulations of the on ISP, also having the possibility of dual punishment. Third, there is also the need to amend Clause 6 of Article 82 (Real Name Confirmation of the Message Board, and chat room of Internet Media) of the from a long term perspective. It is because this Clause also has much room for restrictions of the freedom of expression in the long term despite the Constitutional Court's decision of its constitutionality in July, 2015. Lastly, this study is to reinterpret why it is difficult to revise the from the two sorts of political contexts and to propose the ' Reform Multiple Governance' as the revision method for web campaign revitalization.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.43
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• pp.255-284
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• 2016

This article aims at a discourse analysis on the selected 1970s Myungrang Manwhas, in the cases of Ggubungi, Doggaebi Gamtu, Yochul Balmyungwang. For the analysis, the history, pre-censorship, and distribution structure of Myungrang Manwha are referenced, as well as the considerable changes and developments on the definition of 'myungrang' since the 1920s. In employing Foucauldian discourse analysis to the texts, the selected Myungrang Manwhas are analyzed as discursive formation, which emerged within the social relations of the era; the characters' dialogues are analyzed as statement. The analysis examines the discourses that the texts disseminated, and the social context of the utterance. It is demonstrated that the Myungrang Manwhas are forms of representation, which implies 'the contested acquisition on capital and power', 'the emphasis on nationalist aspects', and 'the interpellation and discipline of subject active' of the time. Moreover, it is revealed that the forms of control, such as pre-censorship, were the articulation of the will to power, which drove the discoursive formation to function as an apparatus that meticulously constituted the ruling ideology. In conclusion, the Myungrang Manwhas are rather texts that encompasses political and social context of the era than a mere comic relief.