• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.97-114
• /
• 2017

This article aims for searching the clue of North Korea nuke-problem by understanding it contextually. We must see this from the beginning as many trials in settling the problem have failed. North Korea nuke-problem is related to the change of international implication as well as the domestic process of its development. At first, it started from the regime survival, which evolved with the effect of learning. During the Cold War, its development had combined the principle of 'self-defense' because of Sino-Russia conflict. Particularly, its meaning varied dramatically due to the collapse of Cold War system plus the advent of post-Cold War system. North Korea nuclear program has became a global problem based on the deterioration of North Korea's security milieu and Bush administration's policy. Therefore, the area of common solution for NK nuke-problem must be found in the context of regime survival and the change of its meaning by continual convergence effort.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.12 no.2
• /
• pp.351-377
• /
• 2008

Corruption in China became increasingly serious during the early period of its social transition, resulting in severe economic losses and huge challenges to China's government institution, as well as gradually becoming socially widespread. Recently. China's political corruption is an outcome of the attenuated political control, which has been caused by a systemic change from planned economy to market economy since 1978, and the lack of institutionalization to relieve such transition. Besides, the immature market system and state's intervention in the economy are other factors for the corruption. In short, current China's corruption can be regarded as a structuralized phenomenon. This article identified such circumstance by analyzing the scope, degree, and scale of the corruption. Overall assessment of the some factors suggests that present economic modernization is a principal cause for Chinese corruption while the other factors-monopoly power system in the Chinese Communist Party and the transformation of connection-are important but secondary.

• Science & Technology Policy
• /
• v.2 no.18 s.18
• /
• pp.3-7
• /
• 1992

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.27 no.3
• /
• pp.223-229
• /
• 2021

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.5-38
• /
• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.131-156
• /
• 2018

This paper is mainly an attempt to approach and rethink regionalism and regional organizations, as a new political phenomenon of our modern world politics, by focusing on the way regime types influence the identity building of Maghreb Arab Unionregional organization in North Africa. The focus of this paper will be on the importance of domestic politics as a non-conventional way of studying regionalism. And unlike many studies of regionalism, generally emphasized by realists and liberalists that focus either on security or economy as an outcome of the old regionalism paradigm, this paper will emphasize domestic politics as a guiding line to understand the regional one.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.129-148
• /
• 2017

The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.28 no.4
• /
• pp.77-114
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Proceedings of the CALSEC Conference
• /
• 2002.01a
• /
• pp.369-394
• /
• 2002

국가와 시민의 관계에서 볼 때, 기존의 정치·경제·행정체제 및 운용의 모습은 많은 문제점을 드러내고 있다. 정치적으로 간접(의회)민주주의 제도는 국민참여의 축소, 공공의제 및 영역의 축소, 사회적 불평등의 심화 및 정치불신을 초래하였으며, 경제적으로 시장경제의 실패는 정부개입과 그에 따른 정부의 실패를 야기하였다(정정목, 2000). 또한 행정 부분에서는 삼권분립의 견제와 균형보다는 행정권의 강화에 따른 이른바 행정국가의 등장과 이에 따른 국민의 저항과 입법 및 사법부의 위축 등을 경험하였다. (중략)

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.1-28
• /
• 2018

This paper studies and evaluates the present situation of three decades of 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea with a long-term perspectives. It had grown up during 1987 labour regime era and has declined abruptly since 1998. The backdrop of this decline was the transformation of labour regime from the 1987 regime to the dependent neoliberal one. The Korean labour movement did not respond to the changed structural conditions as it sustained its old strategies, militant unionism. Now the 'Minjoonojoundong' in Korea has met three difficult problems that are connected with each others. They are militant economism, political economism and formal industrial unionism. However the 'Candlelight Revolution' occurred in 2016 winter has opened a chance of regime change that could strengthen the 'Minjoonojoundong'. The revolution was primarily a political one. But it also created a dramatic situation change in labour politics. The candle-citizen demanded radical change of the polarized Korean society and overflown contingent workers. So it is a time of radical and overall innovation for the 'Minjoonojoundong' and KCTU. And they have to keep the long-term strategical vision of labour regime change.