• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.5-26
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• 2006

As the capital of knowledge becomes more important than traditional capital like land or labor in the 21st century, the most competitive resource for corporations is knowledge. Furthermore, corporations may evaluate and improve latent knowledge of 'intellectual capital(IC)' within organizations, which will enhance their performance in the future. However, most Korea Distribution Companies have evaluated only tangible assets, ignoring latent capital. Since enterpreneurs have recognized that they cannot explain the difference between maret value and book value, the major advanced states lead to more sophisticated techniques to evaluate IC value. Although it is extremely important and urgent to evaluate IC value, the indexes of evaluating IC have never been examined and have been adopted by many corporations. Therfore, this study intends to develop a index for IC valuation. This study hopes to give some insights into the practical use of intellectual capital for the Korea Distribution Companies and help them develop a strategic perspective to enhance their competitiveness.

• Journal of the Korean earth science society
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.75-88
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• 2001

From 1905 to 1910 when the deepening national and educational crisis existed, the Korean intellectuals established many educational associations and published many academic journals. In this study, the researcher investigated 9 academic journals which had 132 books published by these educational associations in Korea during the Modern Educational Period (1876${\sim}$1910). The results of this study were summarized as follows : (1) The contents of journals mainly consisted of the Korean history and geography for the purpose of increasing Korean people's identification. And also the journal articles dealt with the western political and economic systems. In addition to these contents, the journals included many scientific studies which were aimed at educating the ordinary Korean people. (2) The scientific articles from these journals were mainly composed of earth science and biology including physiology, while the number of articles for physics and chemistry was less. (3) These scientific articles were published by the same writer in a series .However, the academic level of these was like a school textbook. Based on the results of the data analysis, it is believed that these journal articles possibly were used as a school textbook for science education.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.371-389
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• 2014

This study aims to analyze the redistricting problems in non-autonomous Gu. Although non-autonomous Gu is a just local administrative district, it has been regarded as an important and basic spatial unit in electoral redistricting. By the reform of Public Official Election Act in 2012, however, non-autonomous Gu is distinguished from local governments like Si, Gun and autonomous Gu, in boundary delimitation for the 19th National Assembly election, and some are divided into a part of another constituency. About these background, this study points out the following problems. First, in national scale, the reform of Act made the malapportionment in constituencies of non-autonomous Gus, comparing with those of local governments. Second, there was the discriminative application of Act in each non-autonomous Gu and it will make the malapportionment worse in next election, considering the reorganization of local administrative system. Finally, this study propose that it is necessary to select one from a variety of redistricting principles, especially between the prevention of gerrymandering, the representativeness of local government and the apportionment, prior to another amendment of redistricting system and the debate about political reform.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.27
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• pp.63-91
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to investigate the gender discourse of Korean newspapers. For this, the study analyzes the frames of frames of crime news on Chosun Daily and Hangyurae Newspaper for 2 years. The data are collected using KINDS, and include 265 crime articles involving woman. According to the results of this research, the episodic frames are used in the most of crime news. The five frame devices are founded in the episodic frame articles; the male subjectivity and the female objectivity, the male-oriented perspectives which reporters have, the abused sexual details and sensationalism, the emphasis of women body's fragility which imply woman's unavoidability as victims, and finally, blaming women who are victims of crimes. And in the articles of thematic frames, the similar frame devices are found. In particular, they only emphasize the problem of crime and fail to suggest a concrete resolution. Finally, the study discusses the findings relating to the patriarchal news making convention and the commercialism of newspaper industry. The two newspapers have been pursuing quite different political lines in Korean society. It is generally considered that Hangyurae newspaper is progressive and Chosun Daily is conservative. However, this study reveals that the way dealt with women in the crime news are not different. It is concluded that Korean newspapers still produce the gender discourse based on male-centric perspective and patriarchal ideology.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.120-145
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• 2001

Environmental risk is one of major risks in contemporary society which is often conceptualized in terms of 'risk society'. The crisis which retains such environmental risk can be characterized by 'technical hazards', rather than natural hazards in traditional societies, because of potentiality of technical control over its generation and managing process. Environmental crisis tends to be recurred due to certain limitations of response of both government and civil society. Moreover, it can be argued that generation of environmental crisis and limitations of its managing process are inherent in problematic structures in contemporary society, especially in its 4 basic elements and their characters; that is, capitalist market economy which promotes increasing profits and decreasing cost; bureaucratic representative politics which has brought about concentration of power and evasion of responsibility, instrumental science and technology which leads to blind belief on scientific knowledge and its uncertainty; and finally individualistic way of life with exclusive and passive response to crisis. This paper aims to consider the generation and managing process of environmental crisis in terms of these 4 basic elements, with comparative studies on empirical cases of the water crisis by Phenol pollution in Taegu in 1991 and the water crisis by parasites contamination in Sydney in 1998.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.21
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• pp.35-52
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• 2009

The guard system in the last period of the Joseon Dynasty, established at the time of the struggle of invading world powers and the loss of the Dynasty rights, was strengthened to protect the Royal family and the Dynasty from the attacks of foreign powers. While investigating both the military system and the guard system from the beginning of King Gojong's direct royal governing to the time of Japanese annexation of Korea, we realize that the Joseon Dynasty not only lost the support of the public but also had little power to cope with the aggression of foreign countries. The reformation and strengthening by Daewongun, King Gojong's father, was made in preparation for King Gojong's direct royal rule. Nevertheless, the intervention of foreign countries in the domestic affairs of the Joseon Dynasty got worse. As opposed to their intervention, Queen Minbi had engaged in politics, which resulted in murderous attempts on her. The Joseon Dynasty had tried to reform and intensify the guard system. New names such as Muwiso, Chingunyeong, and Siwidai, had been given respectively. Such reformation and intensification had little effect because of two successive victories at the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War of Japan. Japan occupied the Joseon Dynasty by force after all. The guard system of Daehan-jeguk(the Empire of Korea) was eventually incapacitated; an army in the cause of justice was raised instead. However, The state of things and the guard system at that incapacitated period gives a good lesson for the establishment of a modern guard system at the present day.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.219-236
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• 2011

Since the end of the $19^{th}$ century, Korean English-language newspapers have been published in Korea to inform readers about Korea and Korean people's point of view concerning world problems. Among them was the Korean Republic (KR), the former name of the Korea Herald, founded on August $15^{th}$, 1953 (Korean Liberation Day from Japanese colonial rule). This newspaper was started especially to report on international affairs, just after the Armistice agreement was signed on July $27^{th}$, 1953, at the initiative of the first president of the Republic of Korea, Syngman Rhee. He vehemently expressed his and the Korean people's opinion about Korean problems in world politics where big powers were dominating and deciding small countries' destinies. This paper is written to show that Korean English-language newspapers were used as tool of public diplomacy not only for the readers of target countries but also for Korean readers, well before the media diplomacy theory became popular several decades later. In the deplorable world situation where Korea was colonized and divided into halves by the wills of the super powers, the Korean media participated actively via dialogue in English to solve the Korean problem. This paper studies the editorials of the KR for one year, the year just after its foundation. Vis-a-vis the United States, the KR defended its political system of free democracy by insisting on the Korean people's hopes, the reunification of the peninsula and acquiring American assistance in economic and military areas. Regarding Japan, Korea had doubt about its expansionist policy by way of rearmament. First, the Korean government tried to defend its territorial waters, including Dokdo Island. As for multi-lateral relationships, Korea was concerned about the spread of communism to its territory in the world where socialism was dominating.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.250-266
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• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.53-75
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• 2013

This study looks into Dooriban movement, which problematizes the ways in which social movements are carried out in everyday settings in modern Korea. Contrary to traditional social movements, Dooriban movement led by active/independent participants -who are locally situated and culturally sensitized- showed a new way of engaging with political power. Making use of qualitative methodology such as in-depth interviews and participant observation, this research examines the implications of emergent cultural practices that redefine and reconfigure the working mechanisms of social movements in Korea today.