• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.6
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• pp.870-883
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• 2012

This study aims to summarize recent discussions on naming the sea between Korea and Japan and to draw some research topics of the geographical toponymy. The International Hydrographic Conference and the United Nations Conference on the Standardization of Geographical Names held in 2012 repeatedly saw clearly different positions of Korea and Japan on the naming of the sea. From the debates, four topics appeared distinctly which deserve receiving continuous interests in the field of geographical toponymy. These include: necessity of dual naming and characteristics of, and perceptions on the object of dual naming; political economic nature of the sea, e.g. semi-enclosed sea, EEZ, and relevant use of names; relationship between the sea containing strong emotional ties and its naming; additional definition of toponymic terminologies to proceed with more objective and logical discussions.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.224-248
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• 2010

This study is to analyze the Korean translation of "Goseong Chongswaerok" by O Hoeng-muk as a local governor through political ecology. It focuses on how O Hoeng-muk recognized and wrote the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local resident's life, and local policy. The results are summarized in the followings. Firstly, weather was recorded into three types of expression, simple and dynamic expression and agriculture-related expression. Its dynamics was much meaningful and important when weather was related to local resident's life and local or non-local economy and politics. Secondly, weather and local government were conflict under a particular natural condition like severe drought. And society and politics are affected by such a conflict. Thirdly, local people's demonstration was occurred under a certain condition. Bounded agency can be founded in O Hoeng-muk's behavior as a local governor like jinhyul(賑恤), rain rituals, tax collection. Fourthly, the interrelation among weather, agriculture, local people's life, and local policy implemented in a particular local like Goseong ought to be interpreted in terms of multiple scales.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.110-131
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• 2004

The goal of the study is to analyze aggressive attempts of China and Japan to construct the Siberia oil pipeline in a direction to its advantage from the political economic perspective. The pipeline is to affect significantly energy Policies in the Northeast Asia in the future. First this Paper reviews the ongoing Processes of the Pipeline construction thus far. Next, domestic and foreign factors in Russia which are related to the laying of the pipeline, were taken into consideration. Applicability of the mercantilist and liberalist approaches to the energy supply of Russia were examined in the situation. As a result, the dualistic approach in energy supply was found to be limited in its real applicabilities and the political economic approach proved to be more suitable in that Russia currently seeks economic security in Northeast Asia. Finally the implications of the Siberia oil pipeline construction were suggested for the current energy situation in Korea.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.393-408
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• 2018

This study aims to raise our understanding of how memory of a social group is transnationally appropriated and utilized by other subjects. A collective sense of justice for comfort women has been handed to many Koreans either in Korea or in overseas countries since the early 1990s. In the U.S., the first comfort women monument was established in Palisades Park, New Jersey by Korean-Americans and local politicians as they wanted to strengthen the common sense of Korean ethnicity with the symbolic power of the memoryscape. Exploring the diffusion of comfort women memorials in the U.S., this study examines the complexity and multilayered structure of memory politics and its transnational mobility, which are connected to Korean-Americans' struggle for belonging.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.498-513
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• 2010

This paper aims to critically discuss the place-marketing strategy that has been widely seen as an alternative way of regional development for the last decade in South Korea. In particular, it argues that the place-marketing strategy is highly likely to intensify the inter-local or inter-urban completion and to result in the territorialization of places because it is based on the essentialist notion of place that has been suggested by the humanistic geographers. In order to logically support my argument, I will critically review the essentialist notion of place, and introduce an alternative notion of place, in which the place is seen as socially constructed through complicated power relations and social, political and cultural processes. Also, I will logically demonstrate that the place-marketing can be seen as a strategy for territorializing places by discussing how territory is socially and politically constructed as a particular form of place.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.779-796
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• 2009

Pimat-gil is a bystreet over 600-years old of Jong-no in Seoul that originated in the early Joseon Dynasty. This Study defines Pimat-gol (a street village) that has developed centering around Pimat-gil (alley) as a typical backlane of modern city, traces the origin and landscapes of Pimat-gol through the historical geographies of this place, and tries to name and interpret the placeness of Pimat-gol from the angles of social and cultural geography, particularly on the basis of the concept 'place memory'. As a result, the author extracts the placeness of Pimat-gol in terms of juxtaposition of three-fold layers, ie., 'space of subaltern vs. space of escape', 'space of oblivion vs. space of recollecttion and generation', and 'space of fossil vs. space of living'. In addition, the author examines the place memories which have been sedimented in this place and the contest of the place-memories by investigating these three-fold layers, and makes a proposal which would constructs another spatiality of modern city on the basis of this case.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.41 no.4 s.115
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• pp.470-490
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• 2006

The paper critically examines resource mobilization theories, frame theory, and new social movement theories, and proposes studies on the spatiality of the social movements as one potential to mitigate the limitation in these theories. The resource mobilization theories and the frame theory, the strategy-oriented approaches, lack contextual understandings of the origin of social movements. While new social movement theories provide macro-scale analysis and the structural explanations of the origins of social movements, they have covered limited geographical areas. The spatiality of social movements promotes deep understandings of local differences, and contexts in and through which grievances are constructed and collective actions are organized. Physical structures and symbolic representations of places are often created and utilized as social movement strategies. The spatiality of social movements can be a useful conceptual tool to explain the diversity and the dynamics of social movements.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.5 s.110
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.686-708
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• 2013

The goal of this investigation is to examine the matter as to how various cyberpolitical activities such as on-line civic participation, cyber parties, development and movement of civil society networks are appeared in cyberspace; and how political activities in cyberspace are associated with offline environment. This research was based on in-depth and open-ended interviews centering around 20s (32 interviewees) and the major results are as in the following. First, in terms of on-line civic participation, searching political issues occur in places, where internet users can access information easily relatively, and creating or reconstructing political information is identified in places giving stability or affinity to the public society. Second, even though each party's homepage for the channel of cyber parties has enough capacity as bridgespace, which takes charge of supporting f lows of people, goods, capital, and ideas, most of them don't play a role to establish virtual or real networks. Exceptively, cyber parties contribute to make temporalized places, where nobody takes the responsibility, somewhat. Third, the development and movement of civil society networks is divided into several segments according to political interests and tendency in online; furthermore, such a cyberpolitical activity influences human networks and the decision of major places for political activities in offline.