• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.201-208
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• 2014

The objective of the present study is to investigate the relationships among the perceptions of performance appraisal politics(POPAP)), employee's attitude to work, and team-based work system characteristics. Using survey data from various occupationally heterogeneous sample of white-collar employees(N=195) from various organizations, the results indicate that when employees perceive performance rating to be manipulated because of rater's personal bias and punishment motive, they reduce organizational commitment. Contrarily, the employees' POPAP with motivational motive increases organizational commitment. And task interdependency has positive effect on employees' POPAP.

• Annual Conference on Human and Language Technology
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• 2023.10a
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• pp.533-538
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• 2023

문서에서 저자의 의도와 주제, 그 안에 포함된 감성을 분석하는 것은 자연어 연구의 핵심적인 주제이다. 이와 유사하게 특정 글에 포함된 정치적 문화적 편향을 분석하는 것 역시 매우 의미 있는 연구주제이다. 우리는 최근 발생한 한 사건에 대하여 여러 신문사와 해당 신문사에서 생산한 기사를 중심으로 해당 글의 정치적 편향을 정량화 하는 방법을 제시한다. 그 방법은 선택된 주제어들의 문장 공간에서의 거리를 중심으로 그래프를 생성하고, 생성된 그래프의 기계학습을 통하여 편향과 특징을 분석하였다. 그리고 그 그래프들의 시간적 변화를 추적하여 특정 신문사에서 특정 사건에 대한 입장이 시간적으로 어떻게 변화하였는지를 동적으로 보여주는 그래프 애니메이션 시스템을 개발하였다. 실험을 위하여 최근 이슈에 대하여 12개의 신문사에서 약 2000여 개의 기사를 수집하였다. 그 결과, 약 82%의 정확도로 일반적으로 알려진 정치적 편향을 예측할 수 있었다. 또한, 학습 데이터에 쓰이지 않은 신문기사를 활용하여도 같은 정도의 정확도를 보임을 알 수 있었다. 우리는 이를 통하여 신문기사에서의 정치적 편향은 작성자나 신문사의 특성이 아니라 주제어들의 문장 공간에서의 거리 관계로 특성화할 수 있음을 보였다. 할 수 있다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.179-190
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• 2015

This study discusses on the influential factors of satisfaction in communication by focusing on the political communication phenomenon that is revealed in our society. The acts of political communication and its communication satisfaction are examined by exploring individuals' political inclination and their media usage which are the main influential factors of political communication. An interview survey was conducted on a thousand adults over the age of nineteen who are residing in sixteen cities and provinces nationwide. As a result, a high rate of online media usage was observed among people with progressive political inclination. It showed that the political communication acts of 'writing/communicating' which indicates ons actively posting their personal opinions, has a positive influence on communication satisfaction. On the other hand, the usage of offline media was dominant over people with conservative and neutral political inclination. A passive act of 'reading/watching,' which is to observe other people's opinions, was shown by most of the interviewees. Therefore, it was able to discuss that in order for a harmonious flow of political communication among our society, the understanding of citizens' political characteristic must be preceded and the differentiated political communication using media must be raised accordingly.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.61-93
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• 2015

This article assesses and examines democratic potentials of the Internet for U.S. citizens' political participation. The empirical analysis on the data from Pew Research Center's questionnaire survey focuses on four different political activities in both online and offline modes: casual political talk, contact with a government official, petition, and political contribution. The study answers two research inquiries: 1) How does the Internet influence the established patterns of political participation?; and 2) How does the Internet influence the demographic distribution of participatory inequality? Firstly, the Internet, by providing existing participants with additional tools for participation, reinforces conventional participation, rather than mobilizing new participation in politics. Secondly, the online patterns of the participation divide with respect to demographic characteristics imitate the traditional patterns of inequality and disproportionate representativeness in political participation. The Internet is still not a predominant medium for political activities. Citizens' utilization of its transformative and mobilizing potentials remains limited.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

Public disapproval of National Assembly is resulted not only from the structural peculiarity of its decision-making process, but from the gap between public expectation of the National Assembly and its performance. While Korean electorate, being interested in politics with relatively high level of political efficacy, hold higher expectation from politics, the National Assembly fails to satisfy public expectation. In particular, irresponsible behaviors of representatives and the crippled operation of the National assembly are responsible for the low level of public trust to it. Institutional reform and individual efforts of representatives are necessary to promote public trust toward the National Assembly.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.203-224
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the budget allocation of Busan-Gwangyang port and political variables such as general election, presidential election, local election and political regimes. To do this, this study did correlation analyses using budget data of all ports in Korea, Busan, and Gwangyang during 1985-2007. The main results of the correlation analyses are as follow: First, there was a positive correlation between budget of Busan and local election. Also, there was a positive correlation between budget of Gwangyang and presidential election. This results suggest that public choice model and political business cycle model seem to apply to the port development policy. Second, there was no correlation between the regionalism of the political regime and budget of Busan-Gwangyang ports. Third, it can be inferred that the national agenda of the hub strategy can be positively related to the implementation of port development budget. Further studies are needed to analyse the relationship between the political variables and establishment of port plan, decision making about port development and ground-breaking of port construction.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.31-57
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• 2021

So far, several researchers have studied the relationship between research and development investment and firm performance; however, most have focused on linear relationships. Thus, previous studies remain fragmented and show mixed results. This study examined the moderating effect of political ties in the relationship between R&D investment and firm performance. We tested the hypotheses based on extensive 20-year data on enterprises, from 1998 through 2017, as the research period. The study is expected to contribute to explaining the mixed results of the research between research and development investment and firm performance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.77-110
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• 2009

This study explores the academic development of the Political Economy of Communication, which is pursued by reviewing academic characteristics, research subjects, key scholars, formal and informal institution as an academic hub, key articles, major academic associations and academic journals. In addition, this study examines important theoretical limitations and tasks to deal with in the future, which have been exposed through several heated debates with other research traditions such as Cultural Studies and Post Modernism.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Fisheries Technology Conference
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• 2000.10a
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• pp.44-45
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• 2000

제주도 연안의 정치망 어업은 대모망, 소대망, 및 각망어구를 이용하고 있는데 이 어업에 대한 면허건수는 총 63통으로 이중 각망이 93％를 차지하고 있다. 정치망어업은 지역적인 환경의 영향을 크게 받는 어업으로, 특히 지리적인 특성이 해황의 변동과 더불어 내유어군의 접근과 이동에 직접적으로 영향을 끼친다(야재, 1971). 그리고 어장환경이 잘 갖추어진 어장이라도 정치망 어구 구조에 따라 어획이 변동한다고 한다(소지, 1972). (중략)

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.11
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• pp.131-144
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• 2020

Political connection are widespread in many countries and are a hot topic in economic research right now. In China, companies are actively forming political connections in several ways. Based on the research model and theoretical analysis, this thesis puts forward the research hypothesis and constructs the research model of political connections and corporate performance using the financial data and corporate governance data of China A-share listed real estate companies in 2010-2014. The thesis mainly analyzes the political association of CEO. For the analysis result, this research uses the univariate regression analysis and multivariate analysis to carry out the robustness test. The empirical study analysis includes three parts: firstly, in Chinese listed real estate enterprises, CEO political connection has a significantly negative correlation with corporate performance. It means real estate enterprises whose CEO has political connections gain a lower performance than other enterprises; Secondly, from the personal characteristics of the CEO, age, sex and education level have positive relationship with the performance of the enterprise, the additional post situation negatively related to the firm's performance; Finally, the firm's scale liquidity ratio and capital asset rario have a negative relationship with corporate performance, and the number of top managers is positively related to corporate performance. This research made a study on the political connection in Chinese real estate industry, which could also provide beneficial references for the development of enterprises in this industry.