• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.143-146
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• 2021

Korean police have been established as a national police system since the liberation of Korea and have been operated as a centralized police system for a long time, and a police committee was established under the enactment of the Police Act in 1991. However, the National Police Commission has a problem that it cannot perform the functions of the original National Police Commission because it is only a simple advisory body, not an institution that reviews and decides major policies related to police administration. As a result, despite the passage of a full amendment to the Police Act in 2020 and the revision of the Act to the Organization and Operation of the National Police and Local Police, operational and compositional problems still exist. Therefore, this study intends to propose the current state of operation and problems of the police committee system and measures for improvement.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.197-202
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• 2022

Gender neutral draft is the system that the level of manpower which military demands right now can be kept and the concept of gender equality can enlarge itself. This thesis draws implications on the necessity of optional review of draft and the amelioration of military organizational culture for the military through the example of Norway that has adopted gender neutral draft initially in Europe. The Military that is characterized by traditionally male led domain accelerates itself the openness to female by the aggrandizement of social participation and the improvement of human right for female. The various concerns about a necessary facilities, the period ofmilitary service, the level of salary, the keeping of combat power, etc just should be overcome in order to enlarge conscription to female in Korea. Situations such as the environment of national security, the level of social participation to female, the treatment to minority are different, so it is difficult for us to draw any conclusion whether the adoption of sex neutral conscription is right or not. Nonetheless, the national strategy that prepares for future may not be concluded easily and we can not stop it even though it is discomfortable truth. In Conclusion, we anticipate that the sound discourse on measures of including female in draft will be continued from the start with this thesis.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.24 no.8
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• pp.999-1005
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• 2020

While search portals' 'Portal News' account for the largest portion of aggregated news outlet, its neutrality as an outlet is questionable. This is because news aggregation may lead to prejudiced information consumption by recommending biased news articles. In this paper we introduce a new method of measuring political bias of news articles by using deep learning. It can provide its readers with insights on critical thinking. For this method, we build the dataset for deep learning by analyzing articles' bias from keywords, sourced from the National Assembly proceedings, and assigning bias to said keywords. Based on these data, news article bias is calculated by applying deep learning with a combination of Convolution Neural Network and Recurrent Neural Network. Using this method, 95.6% of sentences are correctly distinguished as either conservative or progressive-biased; on the entire article, the accuracy is 46.0%. This enables analyzing any articles' bias between conservative and progressive unlike previous methods that were limited on article subjects.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.59-69
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• 2021

The Moon Jae-in administration insisted on reforming the prosecution for the reform of power institutions, and also tried to control the power of the prosecution through the establishment of a high-ranking public officials criminal investigation office. Then, what is the direction of the legal prosecution reform? Above all, it is a logic to drastically reduce the power of the prosecution. How to shrink it? First, it is necessary to control or check the power of prosecution and investigation that the prosecution has. Second, the key to the reform of the prosecution is perhaps to separate personnel rights from power. In order to exclude external pressure from the prosecution's personnel rights, there must be no instruction or intervention from the attorney general. To do this, the prosecutor general must go through various personnel evaluations, such as multi-faceted evaluation. Third, the essence of the High-ranking Officials Criminal Investigations Act is to deal with crimes of prosecutors, judges, police, and members of the National Assembly. It is also the core of the institutional mechanism to cover the corruption of one's family members while holding all the right to investigate, prosecution, and warrant claims, and to check the omnipresent prosecutors who have abused their right to investigate for political purposes. Then, what is necessary for the success of the high-ranking officials criminal investigation office? Above all, We think political neutrality is very necessary. The Ministry of Airborne has a very high authority of the Director. This paper intends to examine the functions and roles of the prosecution and high-ranking officials criminal investigation offices to prevent corruption. We analyzed the contents of the prosecution and the public officials criminal investigation office, and examined the limitations and problems, and the measures to control corruption in public offices.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.83-111
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• 2017

The purport of this essay is to examine the possible compatibility of liberalism and perfectionism. Liberalism is typically considered as anti-perfectionism. So communitarian critique of liberalism focused on the effects of its anti-perfectionism. But liberalism could be interpreted as compatible with perfectionism. Joseph Raz attempts to develop and defend "perfectionist" liberalism. He rejects anti-perfectionist "neutrality" and claims that the goal of political action is to encourage pursuit of what is truly good and discourage pursuit of what is morally unworthy. Despite this strong perfectionist claim, Raz's political philosophy gives pride of place to individual liberty, or autonomy, which he considers to be intrinsically valuable. One exercises autonomy in choosing among a plurality of human goods. Nonetheless, Raz forthrightly denies the value of autonomy used to choose what is morally bad and says that society has no reason to protect worthless, much less morally evil, options. Raz is more conventionally liberal, however, in espousing a version of J. S. Mill's "harm principle", arguing that a due regard for autonomy rules out government use of coercive means to discourage "victimless" immoralities. However, there are some serious questions about whether Raz's strong perfectionism can support his principled rejection of "morals legislation". I think that if his strong perfectionism could be a little "weakened" and his autonomy could be interpreted as having only formal value rather than having intrinsic value, then his perfectionism could be compatible with liberalism.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.18
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• pp.281-315
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• 2008

This paper reviews recent records issues surrounding former president Roh Moo-Hyun's private possession of the copies of the presidential records in Korea. While the former president transferred his records to the National Archives of Korea, he copied his electronic presidential records and kept them in his house after the term. His retention of the "records copies" arouse critical records issues and criminal charges. In this paper, I examined the definition of presidential records and legal status of records copies, authenticity of electronic copies of public records in public and private records systems, nature and scope of presidential privilege of access to his records, and most importantly, political neutrality of national archives. I examined these issues comparing with foreign experience, especially that of the United States which has the Presidential Records Act like Korea. All issues are examined in the professional spirit of archives principles and archives ethics. Legal status of the electronic copies of presidential records is not firmly established and the criminal charge seems groundless. However, it is against public archives principles and ethics that private former president privately possesses and manages private information and national security information held in the electronic copies of the presidential records. Presidential Records Act of Korea provides an effective tool to protect the presidential records for 15 years and it should be respected. It is time to consolidate the public records management institutions in Korea, not to disintegrate them.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.462-468
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• 1983

Collected 38 colored soybeans, which was cultivated under the conventional field conditions, were investigated about their organeloptic parameters and correlations among factors such as organeloptic score, texturometer parameters and chemical components of seeds. Most of the organeloptic parameters were affect much more by the characteristics of each cultivars than by grain weight, and then showed significant differences with the effect of interactinon between grain weight and cultivar, too. Also among contribution degrees of texturometer scores to overall acceptance, cohesiveness was higher in small, medium and super grains, however in large grains, hardness. And among sensory attributes, suitable toughness was contribute most positively to acceptance.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.27
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• pp.89-118
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• 2011

This paper considers the relationship between memory and archives by exploring the concepts and meaning of archivist and archival description. The author considers the metaphor of archives as memory and relates our understanding of creation, arrangement, preservation, description, and use of records and archives. The author argues that archivists demonstrate their knowledge and background when they organizing and preserving records and archives.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.13
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• pp.551-575
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• 2007

한국에서의 경찰제도는 국가경찰의 형태로 운영되어와 획일적이고 중앙집중식의 경찰활동에 대한 거부감이 전반적으로 있어왔다. 그러나 지역주민의 의사에 따른 자율규율에 의한 다원적 민주주의를 실현하고 국민의 기본권을 실질적으로 보장하기 위하여 지난 1995년 지방자치단체의 장과 지방의회 의원의 동시선거가 시행되어 온 이래 10여년이 흘렀다. 그러나 지방자치제도가 시행되기 이전부터 자치경찰제도에 대한 논의는 지속적으로 이루어져 왔다. 자치경찰제에 있어서 주요쟁점의 핵심사항은 자치경찰제를 도입하는 것의 득실관계라고 볼 것인데 이는 관점과 어느 측면에 중점을 둘 것인가에 따라 다르게 나타나게 된다. 지방자치의 존재 이유 중에는 주민 복지적 차원에서 주민의 안전보호가 중요한 부분을 차지하고 있다. 특히 자치경찰제는 수사권독립과 함께 지난 몇 대에 걸친 각 대통령의 선거공약이었기 때문에 노무현 정부 출범 이후 정부는 지방분권차원에서 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 여러 가지 검토를 해 온 바 있다. 2004년 1월에 정부혁신지방분권위원회의 지방 분권과제 주요과제로 자치경찰제 방안을 검토하기 위해 위원, 관계 공무원 10명으로 자치경찰 T/F를 구성하여 운영한 이 후 자치경찰제 도입방안에 대하여 경찰정과 실시 단위 및 수행 사무 등 주요 쟁점에 대해 협의하면서 실천 가능한 방안을 마련하기 위해서 스페인, 프랑스, 이태리, 그리스 자치경찰기관을 현지 방문하여 외국 자치경찰 제도를 조사한 후 2004년 9월 중순에 자치경찰(안)을 발표하였다. 이 안은 크게 경찰을 사법경찰과 행정경찰로 구분하는 개념 하에 최초로 나온 자치경찰제에 대한 구체적 시행 안이라는 점에서 그 의의를 찾을 수 있을 것이나 지금까지의 기대수준에 과연 부응하는 안이 될 수 있을 것인가에 대한 의문이 제기되고 있다. 동 사안은 2005년 하반기에 시범적으로 시행하고 민선 4기 자치단체장이 출범하는 2006년 하반기에 본격적으로 시행될 것으로 발표하고 발표와 동시에 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서는 본 자치경찰제 기본방향과 법안제정의 원칙과 구체적인 내용에 대한 토론회를 개최하는 등 다양한 홍보를 하였으나 여러 가지 문제점으로 인하여 아직 시행되지 못하고 있다. 따라서 과연 이 안이 한국에서의 자치경찰제 시행에 효과적인 안인가 그렇지 않으면 대선공약을 지키기 위한 일종의 정치적 고려를 한 졸속적인 안이 아닌가에 대한 논란이 제기되고 있다. 지금까지 한국에서는 자치경찰에 대한 많은 토의가 있어 왔으나 이번에 제하고 있고 현재 지방자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 기존 법집행방식과 거의 차이가 없는 상태시된 안은 적어도 지금까지 논의되어왔던 제도와는 매우 생소한 자치경찰 제도를 근간으로 에서 ‘무늬만 자치경찰’ 이라는 비판이 일각에서 제기되고 있는 실정이다. 현재 자치단체에서 시행하고 있는 행정 경찰적 기능을 다소 보완하고 제복착용과 조직을 하나 더 만든 정도가 아닌가 하는 정도이다. 그러므로 본 연구에서는 정부혁신지방분권위원회에서 제시한 자치경찰제도(안)을 중심으로 자치경찰제도 운용의 목적 충족과 실질적인 효과의 측면에서 분석하고 바람직한 자치경찰제도의 운용에 대해 살펴본다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.141-177
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• 2019

This paper explains cross-national variation of CPI(corruption perception index) centering on legal culture. By critically reviewing previous researches on effects of British common law system on corruption, we define legal culture as citizens' perception of their legal system. Specifically, measuring legal culture with respect to courts fairness and courts accessibility, we test two hypotheses on effects of legal culture on corruption. A cross-national comparison of 78 countries with OLS regression analyses reveals that courts fairness tends to lower the level of corruption while courts accessibility does not have a significant effect on corruption. Based on this result, we suggest policy implications for judicial reform as well as anti-corruption measure, which puts more emphasis on reforming legal practice that hinders courts fairness than increasing legal service supply. In addition, as the essence of legal culture lies in citizens' shared perception of the legal system, we argue that a broad and solid citizens' consciousness of fair and equitable legal procedures is indispensable in preventing corruption.