• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.479-496
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• 2004

This study attempts to examine Egyptian agricultural development with regard to the social and political changes in the Egypt, and tries to explore the patterns of major crops and those spatial distribution nowadays. Also, land reclamation processes and farming activities are explained. Agricultural development in Egypt has been considerably affected by historical international trade, and those crops such as cotton and sugar cane have been especially protected and controlled as strategic crops by the Egyptian governments. The issues of land ownership have been varied with political environments by periods, but the controls to the strategic crops have been consistently maintained to a degree though some variations. since the 1990s, national liberalization programs also caused to change the agricultural policies which have affected the adjustments of crop production and land use. Spatial distribution of major crops and farming activities are examined in relation to natural environments by Delta, Middle and Upper Egypt, desert areas. The projects of land reclamation after 1952 are evaluated with the effects of government intervention, and the actors in use of the reclaimed lands are investigated.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2008

As local government is of great importance for the sake of advancement of the political system based on national participation in politics and recognition for autonomy, it is proper to appreciate the need and come up with strategies so that the local government can be successfully established and developed. Therefore, a survey was conducted among residents, civil officials, and local councils, who are the main bodies of local government. As a Jesuit, it turned out that there were problems in terms of specialty and integrity, that there are potential risks of local or group egoism, and that political indifference is getting intensified among some residents, and even they tend to avoid participation. This result indicates that there are needs for the establishment of the recognition and efforts for consistent reconsideration among participants.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.6
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• pp.117-128
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• 2013

This study aims to examine various discourses of the urban landscape discussed in the fields of new cultural geography, spatial political economy, and landscape architecture in order to propose a theoretical framework for the interpretation of a contemporary urban landscape. The notion of landscape is a modern idea that separates humans, especially the bourgeois subject, from nature, and then achieves the visual possession of nature. New cultural geographers have studied the political aspects of landscape. According to them, landscape as materialized discourse is "a way of seeing" which includes the vision of the upper class, the imperialistic view, and the masculine and voyeuristic gaze. In addition, spatial political economists have paid attention to the economic aspects of landscape. They have emphasized that the material production of landscape is indispensable in the production of surplus values in the capitalistic system. Thus, we insist focusing dialectically on both the materiality and ideology of landscape.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.502-523
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• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.586-593
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• 2018

When newsreel was organized in 1967, it was a small but strong revolution. New York newsreel became the third world newsreel in 1972. The third world newsreel clearly stated that the purpose of the organization should be the alternative provision of the Television news. They also notified the revolution of the production system and the distribution system. Christine Choy who actively worked at the Third world newsreel succeeded the spirit of the organization through her works. Through the third world newsreel and Christine Choy who was the representative of the organization, this article is dealing with the mode of production and the style and the aesthetics of the Newsreel. Their activities were originally political and always controversial. They agonized who should be the film maker, how should be the distribution system. Through the strong arguments, the group had acquired not only collective identity but also collective production. Those collaborations had become the foundation of their works. Christine Choy has been a key figure of the Third world newsreel and her films has focused on the racial problem and gender problem. Her works have always been political and historical.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.357-384
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• 2013

In this study I've analyzed the strategy and techniques of the welfare discourses of korean conservative newspapers based on the discourse theory. Emphasizing the political and social characteristics of the discourse, It is investigated the way that the conservative newspapers criticize against assertions for welfare increase and universal welfare and the way that produce social meaning on welfare. The study is focused on the discourse techniques like symmetrical contrasts, making new contexts, and formation of identity. The critical welfare discourses are structured according to symmetrical contrasts of welfare to the rationality, the morality, and the prospects for future. The elements of the discourses are reinforced by one another and were recontextualized to the new stories on welfare. The conservative newspapers had emphasized secession welfare from the politics, solving the problem of inefficiency of welfare administration. Regarding the technique of identification, the newspapers had treated people as owners and victims of welfare on the role of financing welfare expenditure. It is noteworthy the newspapers have began to call people separately according to generations and income class using finance.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.393-408
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• 2018

This study aims to raise our understanding of how memory of a social group is transnationally appropriated and utilized by other subjects. A collective sense of justice for comfort women has been handed to many Koreans either in Korea or in overseas countries since the early 1990s. In the U.S., the first comfort women monument was established in Palisades Park, New Jersey by Korean-Americans and local politicians as they wanted to strengthen the common sense of Korean ethnicity with the symbolic power of the memoryscape. Exploring the diffusion of comfort women memorials in the U.S., this study examines the complexity and multilayered structure of memory politics and its transnational mobility, which are connected to Korean-Americans' struggle for belonging.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information Security & Cryptology
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.103-113
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• 2017

Cyber attacks can be classified by type of cyber war, terrorism and crime etc., depending on the purpose and intent. Those are mobilized the various means and tactics which are like hacking, DDoS, propaganda. The damage caused by cyber attacks can be calculated by a variety of categories. We may identify cyber attackers to pursue trace-back based facts including digital forensics etc. However, recent cyber attacks are trying to induce confusion and deception through the manipulation of digital information or even conceal the attack. Therefore, we need to do the harm-based analysis. In this paper, we analyze the damage caused during cyber attacks from economic and political point of view and by inferring the attack intent could classify types of cyber attacks.