• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.39-63
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• 2009

Retrospecting the past 60 years of interactions between the executive and the legislature in Korea, it is found that the Korean National Assembly is neither a minimal legislature nor a marginal legislature any more. The symbolic role of the Assembly has acquired a remarkable growth and profound strength and there is no need to worry about institutional viability any further. However, its role as a resolver or manager of social conflicts is still under the dominance of the executive and shows even an indication that it might be worsened. Such incapability of the legislature owed much to the vertical control from the outside especially during the authoritarian regimes, however, nowadays it owes much to the inability of consensus building among the out-bursting controversial and horizontal opinions inside of it. Not sufficient managerial capability required for exercising autonomous decision making power efficiently is a major detrimental factor. It traces back to the inability of party politics and demassifying political leadership. Normalization of party politics is identified as one of the essential prerequisites for Korean political development in this regard.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.113-150
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• 2009

Attempts to relax cross-media ownership have been made by conservative Party and leading dailies. A concern with the cross-ownership of media is predominant in media and political spheres. This article is about the media market concentration created by cross-media ownership. This essay is a response to the demand of the ruling camp that attempts to concentrate on media market, and to increase their influence. I have outlined issues of cross ownership. The finding of this research supported the rationale of ban on cross ownership of newspaper and broadcasting outlet.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

With questionnaires conducted for 613 adult Koreans in Seoul, the present study examined how their social features (income level, political party identification, political values, values of capitalism and egalitarianism) exercise influence on attitudes toward income polarization and their evaluation of government policies. Two groups of participants (high vs. low) for each social feature were formed first. Then their attitudes toward income polarization (liberal vs. conservative) and evaluations of policies (liberal vs. conservative) exercised by government (Participatory vs. Practical) were compared. Results indicated that liberal value was strengthened by liberal value, anti-capitalistic, and conservative value was strengthened by egalitarian values, and party identification. It was also found that party identification partial effect on the judgment of policies exercised by Participatory Government. These findings were discussed in terms of their implications for Korean society and measures for communication constructive for settlement of income polarization were suggested.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.686-708
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• 2013

The goal of this investigation is to examine the matter as to how various cyberpolitical activities such as on-line civic participation, cyber parties, development and movement of civil society networks are appeared in cyberspace; and how political activities in cyberspace are associated with offline environment. This research was based on in-depth and open-ended interviews centering around 20s (32 interviewees) and the major results are as in the following. First, in terms of on-line civic participation, searching political issues occur in places, where internet users can access information easily relatively, and creating or reconstructing political information is identified in places giving stability or affinity to the public society. Second, even though each party's homepage for the channel of cyber parties has enough capacity as bridgespace, which takes charge of supporting f lows of people, goods, capital, and ideas, most of them don't play a role to establish virtual or real networks. Exceptively, cyber parties contribute to make temporalized places, where nobody takes the responsibility, somewhat. Third, the development and movement of civil society networks is divided into several segments according to political interests and tendency in online; furthermore, such a cyberpolitical activity influences human networks and the decision of major places for political activities in offline.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.291-315
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• 2016

This paper analyzed experientially political conducts of the political players on privitization of healthcare service and public healthcare sercive aftrer the democratization in order to determine the influence of democracy on the development of a welfare state. For this purpose, the contents of the major daily newspaper reports from 1993 to 2012 were analyzed. As a result of such analysis, it was found that the political parties did not drive the policy even after the democratization reflecting the demands of the people, political parties had a strong conservative stance and did not show a consistent ideological inclination in their policies. Second, even though the role of the civic movement in the public healthcare service issue became larger after the democratization, policy decisions were driven by the government in an authoritative manner. In addition, the degree of contribution by the civic movements to the development of public healthcare service did not offset the influence of the president and the finance ministry on the development of privatization. Third, both the development of public healthcare service and privatization progressed simultaneously under the Kim Dae Jung, Rho Mu Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations after the democratization and it is thus difficult to argue that the qualitative nature as a welfare state was changed after the democratization. However, the degree of development as a welfare state differed depending on the ideological inclination of the presidents, the capacity of the welfare ministry and the ministry that drove the privatization.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.315-333
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• 2014

The study was carried out to analyze election regionalism and to find out the spatial pattern of party support drawn in the 18th general election. Strongly biased pattern found to be caused by party strategies and voting behaviour preferring for the local party. Each party employed the strategies such as tactical and nepotic nomination, regional development pledges, and local instigation of regionalism. In consciousness survey done by the National Election Commission, primarily people tend to choose the representative by his(her) party and secondly, they consider their carrier and occupation. They vote for the same party in the local district and proportional representation. While election regionalism strongly found in voting behaviour of each party's main strongholds based on spatial pattern of major party support, voters of Seoul and Chungbuk tend to vote for their interests due to regional development pledges such as 'Newtown' Development and 'Multifunctional Administrative City' construction.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.71-80
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• 2014

This study focus on the legislative conflict for Se-Jong City In case of this paper, the law of administration agency centered is based on the conflict of legislative conflict present government at that time suggested the amendment of that legal status because of so many inefficiency and negative effects regardless of opponent asserts. Here there were a deep various political interests fundamentally both of sides. Legislative conflict here affects the regional conflict among the benefits and indirect benefits or nothing in any area. As the result, political interest deeply which was connected in politics influenced the big national issues, not to amend as a result government failure will be come.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.201-212
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• 2011

This study is to carry out meta-analysis on doctoral dissertations which had been written after 2004 when the empirical analysis about digital politics had begun. This study aims to identify tendency of recent analysis. For this purpose, it classifies the research trends of digital politics as political participation, political process, political advertising and election campaigns, and examines the researcher's definition, framework of empirical analysis, and all the results. Moreover, the study systematically summarizes the research model, analysis unit, concept and its components in order to ensure availablity so that the information could be available for the further research.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.109-146
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to analyze the determinants of participating in the candlelight protest for the impeachment of Park Geun-hye from 2016 to 2017. In particular, it revealed the effects of social economic factors, emotional factors, political orientation, and political attitudes and behaviors in participation of candlelight protests. To this end, the survey was conducted for candlelight participants and non-participants. The results of the study confirmed the effects of gender, ideology, political party, anger, dissatisfaction with the presidential performance, non voting activities, TV and newspaper use, and political association activities.