• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.285-293
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• 2021

Politics and conflicts within organizations are natural phenomena found in any type of organization, affecting organizational outcomes and output variables. Nevertheless, there are not many previous studies on politics and conflict within nursing organizations. Therefore, in this study, we would like to analyze how the internal politics and conflicts, which have been excluded from the previous studies related to nursing organizations, affect the quality of communication between nurses. Data were collected from 310 nurses in an university hospital. Using SPSS21, the data were analyzed by descriptive statistics, Pearson's correlation analysis, and multiple regression analyses. As results of the analyses, the organizational politics and relationship conflict have negative effect on the quality of vertical and horizontal communication, and task conflict has a positive effect on them. Organizational politics and relationship conflict have negative effects on quality of formal communication. Organizational politics and conflicts did not significantly affect the quality of informal communication. These results suggest that active, managerial efforts should be executed to overcome the negative effects of organizational politics and emotional conflicts among nurses. Furthermore, empirical research on organizational politics and conflicts within nurses organizations should be expanded.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.3-20
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• 2012

This study examines the trend and issues of sociological studies of social network service(SNS). For this purpose, the studies were classified into three types. The first type of study concerns spatial characteristics of SNS. It deals with the impact of such SNS usage on individual attitudes and behaviors. The second type of the study focuses on the formation process of interrelationship among users. It is based on sociological concepts such as trust and social capital. The last type of study emphasizes the impact of SNS on society. The study includes the issues of social movement and political participation. In the future study of SNS, more diverse sociological subjects, such as social integration, exclusion, public welfare, and affective support need to be dealt with.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.718-727
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• 2011

This research aims to empirically investigate into the relationship between venture entrepreneurs' social network and their social competence to utilize the network, which is known to help overcome the weaknesses of small-and-medium-sized ventures. An analysis was made of SEM set up with 211 entrepreneurs' responses, and the following are the findings from the analysis. First, venture entrepreneurs' networking ability has a significant, strong and positive effect on weak tie of their social network(${\beta}$=.527, C.R.=3.626), strong tie(${\beta}$=.594, C.R.=3.969), and the network centrality(${\beta}$=.418, C.R.=4.884). Second, their social astuteness also has a significant and positive effect on weak tie(${\beta}$=.192, C.R.=1.701), strong tie(${\beta}$=.269, C.R.=2.509) and the network centrality(${\beta}$=.228, p=2.283). Third, their interpersonal influence has a significant but negative effect only on strong tie(${\beta}$=-.264, C.R.=-1.862) and the network centrality(${\beta}$=-.394, C.R.=-2.914). Lastly, their apparent sincerity has no significant effect on the subordinate factors of social network. This research has not just empirically analyzed the relationship between the entrepreneurs' social network and their social competence. But also, results of the research provide practical and detailed information to entrepreneurs of small and medium ventures. Moreover, the research is significant in that it has suggested and empirically analyzed the concept of political competence, which is a concrete substance of social competence, and that it has offered theoretical foundations for future researches, which will tackle the issue of the entrepreneurs' competence in the sphere of entrepreneurship.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.42
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• pp.125-150
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• 2016

In the 2000s, Korean cinema maintained the industrial growth on the strength of 10 million audiences and the successful Korean blockbuster. A variety of film materials such as history, politics, social issues, and the division between North and South Korea ideology were addressed in the movies, and one of the movies based on a true story was popular. Accordingly, external size of the film industry has been gradually expanding. Korean public movies have a firm position in the film market, and a diversity of discussion is made as the movies spontaneously get attention. Also, the influence of social media and media which recognized far-reaching powers of public films causes a political and social change, but it also provokes ideology controversy. Objectivity of this study is first to discuss factors and initiating causes that Korean movies have firmly settled as public movies since late 1990s. Secondly, this study considers relation among media, social media. and Korean public film that aroused more arguments on politics, society, and history in 2000s. The powerful influence of films on society not only leads political change but also affects awareness change of audience and the role of social media.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.4
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• pp.5-29
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• 2015

Intergenerational relations in Korea show very unique characteristics. In political arena, young and old generations clash each other intensely, while they maintain a high level of intergenerational solidarity in policy realm. A logistic regression analysis reveals that generational cleavage plays a key role in affecting voting decision and evaluation of governmental performance. It also suggests that in policy realm, normative, functional, and affectional types of solidarity influence people's attitudes on social policies very strongly. If the current government continues to neglect its promises for expanding welfare, the dual structure of generational cleavage in political arena and intergenerational solidarity in social policy realm can soon be turned into a conflictual structure. Therefore, an active initiative to increase intergenerational justice should be taken in order to attain a long-term, sustainable intergenerational solidarity and coexistence.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.269-303
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• 2012

이 연구는 1960년부터 2009년까지의 시계열횡단연구(cross-sectional time series) 자료를 이용하여 동남아시아의 각국의 자연자원에 대한 의존도와 정치체제 사이의 상관관계를 밝히고자 하였다. 동남아시아는 중동과 서부사하라 아프리카와 더불어 전 세계에서 가장 자연자원이 풍부한 지역 가운데 하나이나, 관련된 연구는 자료의 부족으로 인해 타 지역에 비해 그다지 축적되어 있지 못한 상태이며, 그나마 단일 사례 혹은 국가에 치중되어 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 기존 자연자원의존도와 정치체제와의 경험적 연구들에서 주장된 인과 관계들이 동남아시아에서도 적용될 수 있는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 분석 결과, 본 연구는 동남아시아에서도 한 국가의 자연자원에 대한 의존도의 증가가 민주주의 발전에 부정적인 영향을 끼친다는 것을 발견할 수 있었다. 구체적으로 본 연구에서 자연자원 의존도로 사용하였던 두 가지 지표인 총 수출 대비 자연자원 수출비율과 국민 총생산 대비 자연자원 수입비율 모두 민주주의 수준을 종속변수로 상정한 각 모델에서 음의 상관계수를 보여주었다. 기존 연구들에서 다루어졌던 주요 이론들인 지대추구(rent-seeking), 지대국가(rentier state), 근대화(modernization)이론을 대표하는 통제변수들을 사용한 대부분의 결과 역시 기존 문헌의 주장을 뒷받침 하고 있다. 그러나 내전 발발과 이슬람을 비롯한 일부 통제변수들의 경우에는 기존 민주화 관련 연구결과와는 상반된 결과를 나타내기도 하였다. 이러한 동남아시아의 지역적 특수성을 보여주는 결과는 후속 연구에 의미있는 시사점을 제시해 줄 것이다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.57-74
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• 2015

This research has been performed in order to investigate the probability that cultural factors in everyday life affect individuals' political behaviors. Using the data collected from 2014 Seoul mayoral election, it analyzes how the degree to which individuals have various cultural capital influences their types of political information acquisition through media. The outcomes suggest following three. First, the more cultural capital individuals have, the more active they are in obtaining political information using diverse media. Second, those who mark high score in the self-cognitive area of cultural capital, such as cultural preferences and cultural tastes, tend to gather political information throughout formal news-oriented media such as on-line news, TV, and newspapers. Third, when types of media are classified into old and new, those who have a variety of cultural capital are likely to prefer new media as their major source of political information acquisition.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.7 s.209
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• pp.12-17
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• 1996

중국은 탈냉전 시기에 효과적인 국가안보를 위한 군사상 비장의 카드로 값싸고, 손쉬운 핵병기의 현대화를 추진하고 있다. 중국은 이러한 핵전력의 강화를 통한 지역 대국으로서의 국가적 위신을 보존하고자 하려는 것 같다. 또한 중국이 국제여론에 역행하는 핵실험을 강행하는 것은 중국이 핵실험 이슈를 대외관계에 있어서 하나의 정치적 카드로 사용하고자 하는 의도와 관련 있어 보인다