• 한국사회정책
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2016

This study evaluates the strategic capacity of Korean labor union movement by examining policy alternatives and strategic steps that the Federation of Korean Trade Unions and the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions have shown in response to Park Geun-Hye government's labor market structuring policies. While the government-led labor reform was carried out as intended, organized labor has not simply failed to achieve progressive labor reforms to enhance employment security, but also to exert their strategic capacity effectively for preventing Park's labor market flexibilization policies. The two national centers have not been able to exert their strategic capacity (such as intermediating, framing, articulating, learning) for mobilizing the resources of internal solidarity, network embeddedness, narrative discourse, and organizational infrastructure. In particular, the formation and diffusion of public discourse is a significant part of strategic capacity of labor unions dealing with the labor politics of labor market restructuring, since organized labor, which is under the unfavorable constraints of limited movement resources and power imbalance with the business circle, needs to mobilize massive support and participation from union members and civil society organizations. In this light, it becomes of more importance for labor union movement to exert their strategic capacity toward internal solidarity and network embeddedness in the stage of labor market reforms. Under the recent stage of labor reforms, however, the labor unions has not harnessed their movement resources effectively, but undertaken their protest in a traditional manner, thereby losing its public efficacy from inside and outside. Moreover, it is necessary to build and activate the network of organic solidarity among organized labor, civil society organizations and progressive political parties, in order to cope with the pro-business coalition of power elites for accomplishing pro-labor reforms.

• The Optical Journal
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• s.131
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• pp.18-21
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• 2011

세계 정치 경제 산업 질서에서 선진국이 유리한 위치를 선점한 이후에 후발주자의 진입을 막기 위해서 각종 국제제도와 규율을 강요하고 있는 일련의 행태를 "사다리 걷어차기"라고 한다. 제2차 세계대전 이후 후진국에서 선진국으로 도약하고 있는 나라가 전 세계적으로 손꼽히고 있으며, 우리나라는 그 중에 대표적인 나라이다. 국내 산업이 여러 분야에 걸쳐서 세계 초일류 수준에 도달했고, 세계 산업에서 중요한 축이 되었다. 국내 산업은 더 이상 선진국을 추격하는 입장이 아니고, 선진국 대열에 합류해서 세계시장을 리드해야 하는 산업 패러다임의 전환기에 있다. 이제부터 우리는 선진국의 "사다리 걷어차기"를 완전히 극복했는지 주위를 살펴보고, 기술 강국으로서 사업전략을 재편해야한다.

• KDI북한경제리뷰
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• v.23 no.9
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• pp.67-80
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• 2021

북한은 최근 당중앙위원회 제8기 제3차 정치국 확대 회의에서 주민들에게 필요한 소비품의 생산을 늘리기 위해 경공업 공장들에 원자재들을 우선 보장하는 규율을 확립하고, 소비품 생산과 공급을 계획적으로 실속 있게 조직하여야 한다는 것에 대하여 언급하였다. 이것은 코로나19로 모든 무역활동이 중지된 상황에서 필수품의 생산을 늘려 이에 대한 내수시장을 일정 정도 확보하려는 의도로 해석된다. 본고에서는 원자재 구매, 생산과 판매 등 은행을 통한 북한의 기업관리에서 수요자와 공급자 간에 실질적으로 적용되는 다양한 결제방법을 계좌(돈자리) 개설, 제출 단위와 적용 근거, 해당 서류들을 따라가며 고찰함으로써 북한기업의 실질적 운영에 대한 구체적인 이해를 돕고자 한다. 자료로는 관련 도서와 문헌, 북한 관련법, 간행물 등을 참고하였다.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.233-260
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• 2013

Despite various policies have been implemented to curb shadow education in Korea, it has continued to grow in recent two decades. This study investigates the expansion mechanism of shadow education focused on mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers. The success and failure of policy toward shadow education depends on how effectively it could block off the way by which the suppliers as the most important actors in politics of shadow education market mobilize consumers' anxieties. But shadow education policies have failed in two points. First, they have lacked honest intention to stop its proliferation. The Constitutional Court Decision Against Anti-Out-Of-School Classes Legislation of 2000 widened the windows of opportunity for the suppliers, and 5.31 educational reform of 1995 was neutral to their mobilization capabilities, though seemingly designed to control shadow education. This policy orientation, which reflected neoliberal Gesinnungsethik defective of Verantwortungsethik, stimulated shadow education to expand in that suppliers' mobilization capabilities were reinforced or remained intact. Second, shadow education suppliers have succeeded in mobilizing the desire and anxiety of potential consumers. To cope with government's policy including improving the qualities of public education, realignment of college entrance systems, and meeting the shadow education needs, they have developed various market strategies such as management of existing demands, creation of responsive demands, and squeezing out new demands. They have succeeded in nullifying policies by employing or mixing strategies with effect. Policy decisions in the future need to be made with reference to Verantwortungsethik, and be more cautious to socio-political contexts of Korea, to mobilization capabilities and market strategies of the suppliers in particular.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.325-348
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• 2011

This paper analyses how China is likely to be able to sustain its current pace of growth. The results of analysis show that China's economic growth matches standard growth patterns identified by the models of economic development such as structural change, catching up model. Furthermore, China's economic growth, within these analytical frameworks, matches those of Korea at an earlier stage of her development. So Korea's growth patterns may well apply to the future of China such as the benefits of free society with economics and politics which generate technical progress and innovations. A country with a high innovative capacity is one whose institutions - educational, economic, political, legal, and so forth - allow it to dynamically and continually generate new products and services in a myriad of sectors. These are the way how China is likely to be able to sustain her economic development.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.711-719
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• 2024

This study examined the policy of opening up the Chinese A-share market and its performance in four aspects: institutional investors system, cross-trading system with overseas stock markets, inclusion of A-shares into global indices, and establishment of a new board. Then, the impact of these policies on the Stock Index was empirically analyzed, and it was confirmed that institutional investors system such as QFII and RQFII, cross-trading system with overseas stock markets such as Shanghai-Hong Kong Stock Connect and Shenzhen-Hong Kong Stock Connect, inclusion of A-shares into global indices such as the MSCI EM index and FTSE Russell index, and the establishment of a new board of the Science Innovation Board all had statistically significant positive impacts on the stock index. Based on the results of these analysis, we conclude that China should further expand its stock market opening to the outside world, that mutual efforts are needed to alleviate political conflicts and improve understanding, and that easing industry regulations, including real estate, will help China's economic recovery and foreigners' investment in the A-share market.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2001.05a
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• pp.610-614
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• 2001

20세기 개혁과 개방의 기치를 높이 들고 세계사에 새롭게 등장한 중국은 정치제도는 그대로 사회주의를 고수하고 있다 그러나 등소평이 남순강화에서 제창하고 주창한 '색깔에 관계없이 쥐를 잘 잡는 고양이를 선호한다"는 실용주의 노선을 근거로 경제적으로는 시장경제 원리를 도입하여 눈부신 성장을 거듭하고 있으며 특히 21세기 초일류 국가로의 재비상을 위하여 그 요체가 되는 정보통신산업의 발전과 육성을 위해 매진하고 있다. 본고에서는 중국이 개혁과 개방을 하는 과정에서 정보통신산업의 육성과 그 정책의 추진과정을 살펴보고 21세기 정보통신 산업과 정책의 향후 발전방향도 예측해 보고자 연구하였다.구하였다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society for Industrial Systems Conference
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• 2008.10b
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• pp.322-330
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• 2008

한미 PTA 타결로 미디어 자본의 시장 침투와 전면적인 콘텐츠 경쟁 상황에서 국내방송과 통신융합이 미치는 영향과, 이러한 변화에 따른 지상파 방송의 디지털전환이 방송콘텐츠 산업의 향후 방향을 짚어보았다. 나아가 지역방송의 지상파 디지털 콘텐츠 활성화를 위한 프로그램 경쟁력 제고 방안, 지역방송의 역할로써 지역사회의 정치, 경제, 문화의 계승발전과 지역민의 통합과 화합을 위한 소통의 장의 수행, 그리고 새롭게 발족하는 방송통신위원회와 지역방송발전위원회에 정책적 대안을 제안하였다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.45
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• pp.113-150
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• 2009

Attempts to relax cross-media ownership have been made by conservative Party and leading dailies. A concern with the cross-ownership of media is predominant in media and political spheres. This article is about the media market concentration created by cross-media ownership. This essay is a response to the demand of the ruling camp that attempts to concentrate on media market, and to increase their influence. I have outlined issues of cross ownership. The finding of this research supported the rationale of ban on cross ownership of newspaper and broadcasting outlet.