• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.179-209
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• 2018

Three dacades of time have passed since the Korean labour movement experimented its political empowerment struggle. Generally it has failed for all some positive results. But unfortunately there were no critical and intellectual reflections regarding the failure within the labour movement. This study drew three conclusions. Firstly, the success or failure of political experiments was caused mainly by the labour regime changes of the Korean society. Secondly, the motive power was provided not by the progressive party, the Democratic Labour Party, but by the trade union movement and organization, the Minjoonochong. Lastly, the Candle-Light revolution in 2016 has produced some new conditions for the second stage of political empowerment praxis in Korean labour movement.

• Social Workers
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• no.2 s.46
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• pp.18-20
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• 2006

5월 31일 전국 동시지방선거를 앞두고 월간 Social Worker에서는 지난 11월부터 사회복지정치세력의 필요성과 가능성을 제안하고 사회복지사 출신 정치지도자들을 소개한 바 있다. 이어 이번 호부터는 사회복지정치지도자들의 이야기를 통해 사회복지사들의 정치세력화를 위한 우리의 과제에 대해 들어보았다. 그 첫호로 지난 1월 24일 고경화 국회의원, 김태선 지방의원을 차례로 만나보았다. 사회복지사로서, 어느 누구보다도 사회복지사와 사회복지계에 열정을 가지고 있는 두 의원의 이야기를 통해 사회복지정치세력화에 힘을 싣고자 한다.

• Social Workers
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• no.2 s.46
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• pp.5-9
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• 2006

• Social Workers
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• no.9 s.53
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• pp.31-31
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• 2006

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2018.05a
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• pp.163-164
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• 2018

2017년 봄 한국과 프랑스는 우연하게도 새로운 정부가 탄생하였고, 각각의 새로운 정부는 여성들에게 우호적인 듯한 모습을 띠고 나타났다. 프랑스의 마크롱 정부는 내각에서부터 남녀비율을 5:5로 맞추어 획기적인 면모를 보여주었고, 문재인 정부는 마크롱정부와는 비교할 수는 없으니 여성에게 우호적인 모습으로 비추어졌다. 본 연구는 여성우호적인 모습으로 비춰진 두 정권의 실상이 어떠한가를 분석하면서 두 정권에서의 여성정치세력화의 본 모습을 찾아내는데 그 목적이 있다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.265-274
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• 2010

The fengshui discourse of Sajok village in the late Joseon dynasty obtained currency as the prosperity of settlement place and public figures, was used for ideology ruling the rural community and society. The ways of the fengshui for ruling clan community were that having authority by means of symbolizing settlement location and siting main clan's symbol architectures, controlling the village community by the agreement keeping the fengshui's supplements, occupying the clan's ownership by expanding clan's tomb area.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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• 2011.05a
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• pp.169-170
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• 2011

종교의 문제는 단순한 개인의 종교 문제를 넘어 사회 분열과 통합, 갈등의 문제로 진화되었다. 역사상 종교의 힘은 한 사회를 통합시킬 수도 있고, 반대로 한 사회를 해체할 수도 분열시킬 수도 있는 막강한 힘을 지니고 있다는 것을 보여주고 있다. 세계 곳곳에서 발생하는 테러의 원인 중의 하나 종교문제이다. 이제 한국사회도 다종교사회로 이미 진입했고, 많은 종교단체 같은 종교 내에서도 종파와 종단이 수 십 수백으로 공존하고 있다. 종교간 갈등과 같은 종교내 종단(宗團)안에서 갈등과 대립현상이 분출되고 있다. 종교계의 정치관여 또는 참여 문제와 관련하여 종교계가 본격적인 정당창당이나 정당과의 연합을 통해 정치세력화 할 경우, 이 문제를 우리 사회가 어떻게 할 것인가도 진지하게 논의할 문제이다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.52-74
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• 2012

Legislation needs to be understood within a political, societal relationship among lawmaking bodies rather than by legal provision itself. In order to examine features and functions of communication in the process of legislation, this study conducted focus group interviews with experts as well as in-depth individual interviews. The result of this research as follows: First, the study found that although the domestic legislative process has been made by active interactions among lawmaking subjects, it was hard to conclude that this procedure is providing effective and productive legislative agenda because of chaotic communications made along the process. Second, the study found that national legislative process has been gradually moving, although restricted, to an open political space, the National Assembly, from a closed space, the executive branch. Third, the study found a remarkable feature including growing influence of experts groups and civic organizations in the legislative process. It is a significant change that legislative staff such as National Assembly aides, investigators, expert committeemen and deputy director generals played a role of "insiders," unnoticeably influencing the legislative process, and that civic organizations and NGOs, which have been excluded in the previous legislative processes, emerged as a new influencing circle in the process. Lastly, the study found that media organizations, in the process of developing agenda, had a strong impact on the National Assembly as a subject forming public issues and as a messenger of the legislative agenda while they played a limited role in affecting the government. This study discusses why communication in the domestic legislative process is important and what are some hindering and facilitating factors in the process.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.36
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• pp.229-257
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• 1998

In order to evaluate the effects of high unemployment rates on the income distribution and to find out mediative factors to these effect, the relationship between unemployment and income inequality in the industrialized countries and determinants of their relationship are analysized in this paper. Major findings from the analysis are these. First, changing pattern of unemployment rates are not similiar that of income inequality in the industrialized countries. This result suggests that relationships between unemployment and income inequality are dissimiliar within the industrialized countries. Second, results from analysis about relevant factors' effect on the relationship between unemployment and income inequality, the effects of economic factors such as economic growth rates and the scale of economy are not significant. But variables such as union density rates and scale of social welfare expenditure are found to have significant effects on the relationship between unemployment and income inequality. In fact, when the policy factors enters, the negative distributional effects of unemployment are lower by 50%. These results impliy that dissmilarities between the industrialized countries in the 1980s' changing patterns of income inequality are engendered from the union density rates and scale of social welfare expenditure. These findings in this paper suggest such a implication to the Korea; In order to achieve the more deserable society, policy orientations which give the priority to the economy restructuring rather than development of social welfare have to be reexamined and modified.