• Title/Summary/Keyword: 정치사상

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A Servicism Model of the New Legal System (서비스주의 법제도 구조와 운용 연구)

  • Hyunsoo Kim
    • Journal of Service Research and Studies
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.1-20
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    • 2021
  • This study was conducted to derive a model of the legal system that is the basis for realizing the service economy, political administration, and social education system. Based on the experience of mankind's legal system operation in the historical era for the past 5,000 years, a legal system model that will make the future human society sustainable has been established. The problems of the current legal system were analyzed at the fundamental level. The root cause of injustice and unfairness was analyzed and a new legal system was designed. Through the legal systems of various national societies that have been attempted in the history of mankind, the structure of the legal system that is desirable for the modern society was designed. Human society, which has experienced how much good legal system has been and is being abused by human irrationality and nonsense, needs to make an effort to change the legal system paradigm itself by learning lessons from failure. This study derives the basis for a legal system that can realize justice and a fair society in the long term. It proposed a model for improving the legal system that allows human society to be happy for a long time. To this end, the fundamental role of the legal system was analyzed at the ideological level and the problems of the current legal system were presented. In addition, the problem of fundamental assumptions about human nature was analyzed and improved assumptions were presented. The structural system of the current legal system was analyzed and a new structure was proposed. In addition, a plan for the operation of a new legal system based on a new structure was suggested. The new legal system was named servicism system. This is because it is a model centered on thorough checks and balances between all opponents, not a simple linear one-dimensional legal system, but a multidimensional legal system, and because it is a viewpoint that clearly recognizes both human reason and desire. The new system is a model that reflects the confrontation between the rule of law and the non-law rule and the confrontation between the power people and the general public. A follow-up study is needed on a concrete plan for transitioning from the current legal system to a new legal system.

A Study on the Development of the Traditional Design Content in health and longevity based on the Lucky Signs (길상(吉祥)을 상징하는 수복(壽福) 중심의 전통적인 디자인 콘텐츠 개발에 대한 방향성 연구 - 문화상품디자인 중심으로 -)

  • Jung, Su-yeon;Hong, Dong-sik
    • Journal of Communication Design
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    • v.66
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    • pp.90-101
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    • 2019
  • South Korea had a hard time creating its own image of a nation that formed its identity due to 6.25, Japanese-style rule, division of South and North Korea, and military dictatorship. Recently, Korea has been searching and spreading its identity by creating a Korean wave such as various events and K-POPs. However, since there are still no images and cultural products representing Korea's identity, it is necessary to develop design contents related to native culture and professional cultural product design. Design powers such as France and Japan focus on design projects that can add value to their national design policy projects. Traditional Korean contents also need to be specialized and continuous in image design and research. In this study, five lucky-SubokGangnYeon(long life, happiness and peace), a representative of Korean culture, studied with the most interest in the old and the modern, namely, "Living healthy long." Through the development of cultural product design and the use of design content, I would look forward to presenting the diversity and direction in producing Korea's own design products and images that fit the trend of modern 'age of 100.' Based on images based on special exhibitions related to longevity of the National Folk Museum of Korea, the museum discovers key used features and meanings, studies patterns and patterns, and analyzes design cases applied to modern cultural product design. We also want to look at the direction available through design content, which is a symbol of llong life happiness and peace. First, cultural products have limitations that lack the development of design products, lack of public relations and sales outlets, and lack of awareness of traditional culture, which should precede policy support and awareness reform at the national level. Second, we need to streamline prices that meet the needs of the market. Third, cultural product design and contents related to tradition can be settled and disseminated more easily when traditional design is utilized and distributed mainly on practical stationery and household goods. Fourth, it is necessary to develop contents of various Korean images based on research on Korean cultural history and aesthetic consciousness. Research on the Korean culture of designers should be conducted, not just in the form of figurative images. Fifth, traditional manufacturing methods and materials should be respected by modern times, but modern production products should be developed with economy and durability.

Interpretation of the Meaning of Korean Traditional Colors Symbol Found out in Soswaewon (소쇄원에 나타나는 전통 색채 분석과 의미 해석)

  • Han, Hee-Jeong;Cho, Se-Hwan
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.32 no.1
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    • pp.63-73
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    • 2014
  • This study was intended to analyze the correlation between the builder's intentions and the colors that are revealed through the analysis of the manifestation of symbolic colors as the signs and symbols that are shown in the traditional space of Soshaewon as one of the representative retreating villa gardens of Chosun Dynasty and the interpretation of the meanings. The research on the traditional colors and the intended background of Soshaewon and so on was conducted by examining the relative literature and the contents as the objects for the empirical analysis were the scenic beauties and spatial elemnts that are shown in the plan of Soshewon and the poems about Soshewon 48 scenes as well as the contents of the poems related to Five Primary Colors that are used based on "the Ideology of Five Elements of the Positive and Negative". Espectially, this study was conducted by dividing the spatial elements shown in Soswaewon broadly into the visual, synesthetic and symbolic & cognitive spaces in order to classify the locations and directions of the spaces and natural objects as the visual space, the seasons, the points of times and the five sensory organs as the synesthetic space and the "Four Moral Begginings" & the "Seven Emotions" of New Confucianism as the symbolic and cognitive space and by analyzing if there are any correlation between the decided intentions and the spatial meanings that are revealed by analyzing the system of five primary colors which are used in each spatial element.7) As a result from the analysis of the colors that are used based on the three spatial components of Soshaewon, it was found that one of Five Primary Colors were used 74 times in total. First, in the visual spatial component, one of the colors was used 18 times in total including 2 times of blue, 1 time of red, 6 times of yellow, 4 times of white and 5 times of black. The fact that yellow symbolizing the source of everything and white symoblizing cleanness and pureness are used relatively more often than blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively can be interpreted that the builder, Mr. San-bo Yang's intention to build Soshaewon is related to the meaning symbolizing the pure will of the builder who wanted to seclude himself from society rather than to give priority to enjoying nature. Second, in the synesthetic spatial component which are selected from the 48 scenes of Soshaewon, one of Five Primary Colors was used 38 times in total including 11 times of blue, 8 times of red, 4 times of yellow, 5 times of white and 10 times of black. Since blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively are used more often than yellow and black symbolizing the source of the world and pureness & knowledge respectively, it was interpreted that the builder means to be faithful to the unique basic functions of the retreating villa with which the builder wanted to enjoy his passion for enjoying nature and exploring knowledge even though the builder built the villa garden for the purpose of keeping himself pure while being unstained by the world. Finally, it was analyzed that one of Five Primary Colors was used 18 times in total including 4 times of blue, 5 times of red and 9 times of white in the symbolic and cognitive spatial components of the 48 scenes. Since it was found that white symbolizing the builder's political pureness is used at the same frequency as blue and red symbolizing nature and life respectively are used as a result from the analysis, it was interpreted that the intention of creating Soshaewon was emotionally revealed at the same percentage in the aspects of his political pureness and enjoyment of nature through his poems. Especially, as a result from such 3 kinds of analyses regarding to the frequency of using Five Primary Colors, it was found that the number of times using Five Primary Colors in the synesthetic spatial component was 38 as the highest percentage, around 51% followed by each 18 times as the24.5% respectively in the visual and cognitive & symbolic spatial spaces. Based on such results, it can be interpreted that the builder, Mr. San-bo Yang's intention of creating Soshaewon sympolizes that his intention for enjoying the basic nature and the vitality of nature within the retreating villa garden is hidden at the same proportion as his intention for keeping himself pure from the unrightful world. It was intended to reveal the traditional colors which are hidden in a traditional retreating villa by analyzing the correlation between the symbolic meanings and the spatial components of Soshaewon based on the Five Primary Colors which are originated from the "Ideology of the Five Natural Elements of the Positive and Negative", but it is thought that it is possible to explore whether such a theory can be generally applied to other kinds of retreating villa gardens or not through a study on other retreating villa gardens as other examples in which the builder's apparent pure intentions, such as enjoyment of nature and persuit of study, etc., unlike Soshaewon are hidden.

Collision of New and Old Control Ideologies, Witnessed through the Moving of Jeong-regun (Tomb of Queen Sindeok) and Repair of Gwangtong-gyo (정릉(貞陵) 이장과 광통교(廣通橋) 개수를 통해 본 조선 초기 지배 이데올로기의 대립)

  • Nam, Hohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.234-249
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    • 2020
  • The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

Expression and Deployment of Folk Taoism(民間道敎) in the late of Chosŏn Dynasty (조선 후기 민간도교의 발현과 전개 - 조선후기 관제신앙, 선음즐교, 무상단 -)

  • Kim, Youn-Gyeong
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.35
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    • pp.309-334
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    • 2012
  • This study attempts to study in what form Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty has existed and discuss the contents and characteristics of ideological aspects forming the foundation of private Taoism. While Guan Yu Belief(關帝信仰) in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is a folk belief focusing on Guan Yu, Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎) and Musangdan(無相壇) are religious groups with organization. In case of Seoneumjeulgyo(善陰?敎), 'Seoneumjeul' contains perspective of Tian(天觀) of Confucianism but the ascetic practice method is to practice by reciting the name of the Buddha and the targets of a belief are Gwanje, Munchang, Buwoo. This shows the unified phenomenon of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Guan Yu Belief started at the national level led by the royal family of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 was firmly settled in non-official circles. Guan Yu in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty is expressed as the incarnation of loyalty and filial piety as well as God controlling life, death and fate. As this divine power and empowerment were spreading as scriptures among people, Guan Yu Belief was settled as a target to defeat the evil and invoke a blessing. Seoneumjeulgyo is the religious group that imitated 'Paekryunsa(白蓮社)' of Ming Qing time of China. Seoneumjeulgyo emphasized 'sympathy' with God through chanting. And it expressed writing written in the state of religious ecstasy as 'Binan(飛鸞).' Binan is also called as revelation and means to be revealed from heaven in the state united with God. Seoneumjeulgyo pursued the state united with God through a recitation of a spell and made scriptures written in the state united with God as its central doctrine. Musangdan published and spread Nanseo(鸞書,Book written by the revelation from God) and Seonso(善書) while worshipping Sam Sung Je Kun(三聖帝君). The scriptures of Folk Taoismin the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty can be roughly divided into Nanseo(鸞書) and Seonso(善書). Nanseo is a book written by the revelation from God and Seonso is a book to the standards of good deeds and encourage a person to do them such as Taishangganyingbian(太上感應篇) and Gonghwagyuk(功過格). The characteristics of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty are as follows. First, a shrine of Guan Yu built for political reasons played a central role of Folk Taoism in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. Second, specific private Taoist groups such as Temple $Myory{\breve{o}}nsa$ and Musangdan appeared in the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty. These are Nandan Taoism(鸞壇道敎) that pursued the unity of God through 'sympathy' with God. Third, private Taoism of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ was influenced by the unity of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism with private Taoism in the Qing Dynasty of China and religious organization form etc. Fourth, the Folk Taoism scriptures of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are divided into Nanseo and Seonso and Nanseo directly made in $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ is expected to be the key to reveal the characteristics of Folk Taoism.

A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple (용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토)

  • Kang, Kwanshik
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.97
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.