• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.04a
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• pp.189-229
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• 2005

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.153-163
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• 2011

This study analyzes the military and political factors that influenced the Participatory Government's resolution in Wartime Operational Control (OPCON) Transition. The research on key factors in OPCON transition firstly implemented literature research and then increased feasibility through additional use of AHP. The analysis results showed that there was a negative effect for Korean Peninsular Defense in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area, a positive effect to increase ROK-led Capability of Theater Operation in the 'ROK and U.S. Alliance Interdependence' area and a positive effect for Invocation of ROK Self-Defense Power in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area respectively. After applying AHP, "ROK exercise of Self-defense" in the 'Interests of Participatory Government's Liberal Regime' area received the highest assessment, while the "Increasement of North Korea's Threat" in the 'ROK-US Alliance Asymmetry' area received the lowest assessment. This study is meaningful in that it analyzed the key military and political factors in the Participatory Government's resolution of Wartime OPCON Transition using AHP.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.114-153
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• 2017

고도화 및 가시화되고 있는 북한의 '잠수함발사탄도미사일(SLBM: Submarine Launched Ballistic Missile)'위협에 대응하기 위한 효과적인 전략수단으로써 핵추진잠수함의 필요성에 대한 국민적 관심이 고조되고 있다. 핵추진잠수함의 전략적 가치에 대한 논의가 활발히 진행되고 있는 가운데, 주변국과의 갈등과 국제사회의 비핵화 규범의 미 준수 논란 등 핵추진잠수함 확보과정에서 야기될 수 있는 대·내외의 정치·외교적 파장에 대한 우려의 목소리 또한 높아지고 있다. 그러나, 핵추진잠수함의 필요성 및 확보와 관련한 지금까지의 대부분의 논의들은 한국의 '내부적 논의(Just our own scenario)'에 그치는 한계를 보이고 있다. 전략무기체계로써의 상징성과 그에 따르는 대외적 민감성을 고려 시 일방적이고 독자적인 핵추진잠수함 확보노력은 과정상의 시행착오와 불확실성을 더욱 가중시켜 정책적 실패로 귀결될 수 있는 위험성을 내포하고 있다. 특히, 한반도 평화와 아태지역의 안전보장이라는 공동의 전략적 목표를 공유하고 있는 동맹국인 미국의 공감대와 지지가 뒷받침되지 않은 독자적인 핵추진잠수함 확보노력은 큰 난항이 예상되며 자칫 서로간의 '전략적 신뢰(Strategic Trust)'를 무너뜨려 '한미동맹의 결속력(Alliance Cohesion)'을 약화시키는 요인으로 작용할 수 있다. 미국의 동의와 지지에 기반한 핵추진잠수함 확보를 위해서는 한국의 핵추진잠수함 확보가 동맹의 전략목표 및 미국의 전략적 이해관계에 미칠 수 있는 긍정적, 부정적 효과에 대한 충분한 검토와 논의가 선행되어야 한다. 한미동맹의 공동의 전략목표와 미국의 전략적 이익에 상충하는 한국의 핵추진잠수함 확보시도는 성공 가능성이 낮기 때문이다. 본 연구에서는 현실화되고 있는 북한의 핵위협에 대응하고 지역안전보장에 기여할 수 있는 미국과의 연합방위력 증강차원에서의 한국의 핵추진잠수함의 전략적 효용성을 분석하였다. 더불어, 한국의 핵추진잠수함 확보과정에서 야기될 수 있는 대·내외의 기술적, 정치·외교적 사안들을 살펴본 후 한미동맹 차원에서의 정책적 해결방안을 제시하였다. 연구목적을 위해 유사한 역사적 사례연구를 통해 교훈을 도출하였으며, 미국 오바마 1기 행정부에서 미국의 아태지역 및 대북정책을 주도한 전 미국 국무부부장관 제임스 스타인버그(James Steinberg) 및 여러 미국 내 한반도 전문가들의 의견을 수렴하였다. 본 연구가 한국의 핵잠수함 확보를 위한 한미간 발전적 논의의 시발점이 되기를 기대한다.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.83-93
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• 2017

The U.S.-China Relations could be analyzed two perspectives and their basis under major international p olitics theory-power transition with conditions: (1) North Korean's nuclear puzzle, (2) THAAD in the Kor ean Peninsula and (3) the U.S.-ROK Alliance. One perspective is the global order dominates the regional order, and then stable regional order comes out. The other is the regional order dominates the global ord er, and China wages a regional hegemonic conflict against the United States. Consequently, America's o verwhelming leadership in North Korean's nuclear, THAAD and U.S.-ROK Alliance as national power is expected to endure. But China also has expected empowerment and cooperation for the peace and stabilit y on the Korean Peninsula military problems. In this perspective, South Korea needs to pay attention to the changing power distribution and competition between the U.S. and China and needs to strengthen a balancing and harmonious diplomatic strategy, so called 'see-saw diplomacy'.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.3 s.265
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• pp.52-59
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• 2001

비잔틴 제국의 전략은 본질적으로 중세의 세련된 억제의 개념이었는데, 그것은 가능한 한 전쟁을 피하는 것에 기초하고 있었다. 가능한 한 최소의 비용 지출과 최소한의 병력으로 침략자들과 필요시 전쟁을 하고, 필요하면 격퇴하고 심판하고 압박하는 것이었다. 경제적, 정치적 및 심리적인 전쟁을 구사하여 실무의 운용에 도움을 주었고, 가끔 실전도 치르지 않은 채 이상의 요소만으로 전쟁을 수행하기도 하였다. 무시무시한 적들로부터 가해지는 위험을 줄이기 위하여 언제나 동맹 정책이 사용되었다. 분쟁이 발생된 지역에 가까이 위치한 동맹국들이나 반독립적인 야만인 추장에 대하여 지불된 보조금은 군대의 부담을 역시 감소시켰다.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.4 s.266
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• pp.56-63
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• 2001

비잔틴 제국의 전략은 본질적으로 중세의 세련된 억제의 개념이었는데, 그것은 가능한 한 전쟁을 피하는 것에 기초하고 있었다. 가능한 한 최소의 비용 지출과 최소한의 병력으로 침략자들과 필요시 전쟁을 하고, 필요하면 격퇴하고 심판하고 압박하는 것이었다. 경제적, 정치적 및 심리적인 전쟁을 구사하여 실무의 운용에 도움을 주었고, 가끔 실전도 치르지 않은 채 이상의 요소만으로 전쟁을 수행하기도 하였다. 무시무시한 적들로부터 가해지는 위험을 줄이기 위하여 언제나 동맹 정책이 사용되었다. 분쟁이 발생된 지역에 가까이 위치한 동맹국들이나 반독립적인 야만인 추장에 대하여 지불된 보조금은 군대의 부담을 역시 감소시켰다.

• Journal of Energy Engineering
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.267-277
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• 2011

The study looks at the development of new & renewable technology in a latecomer country, Korea. The main question is whether the development is driven by 'green demand' from the people or by the 'growth demand' from the industry. It also asks what are the characteristics of socio-technical constituency behind the development of new & renewable energy technology; growth-centered or environment-centered. It is found out that a 'New & renewable energy technology socio-techical constituency', consisted of NGOs, industry and government in the form of membership to New & Renwable Energy Policy Council of the government program, was established driving the development of new & renewable energy technology development in Korea. Yet, the coalition among them was based on 'the desire for growth' rather than 'the concern for environment'. The changes in authoritarian development state such as the adoption of governance approach to public decision-making process also contributed to the formation of the constituency.

• Maritime Security
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2023

For the last 70 years, the U.S.-led bilateral security system, or "Hub-and-Spokes" system, has been applied to Northeast Asia, and the system has been successfully settled in terms of stability and economic achievements of the region. Given the increasing complexity of the security environment of East Asia, it is plausible to consider the possibility of a security system shift from bilateral alliances to collective security. In order to analyze the driver of collective security system, this study developed three factors of formation and development of collective security system - main threat, intensity of the threat, and confidence among countries in the system - by reviewing international political theories related to security cooperation. Comparing the formation, development, and achievements of NATO and SEATO, the study figures out that the existence of the main threat, the high intensity of the threat, and the strong confidence among countries in the security system are the primary drivers for a successful collective security system. Based on the result, the study also analyzed the possibility of a security system shift in East Asia. Considering contemporary international conflicts such as U.S.-China strategic competition, Russia-Ukraine War, and growing threats posed by North Korean nuclear and missiles, the study anticipates that the necessity of a collective security system that will replace the current security system of the region would arise. Still, although some issues between countries should be overcome, the growing intensity of the threats will promote cooperation among countries by improving their confidence.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.7-40
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• 2004

Today, nuclear energy conflict is caused from the dangerous radioactive material. The main party of this conflict are politic and economic systems which deride nuclear energy, and the persons concerned which it oppose and the anti-nuclear environment group. If the nuclear waste is transported from one nation to another nation, multi national anti-nuclear group appears as conflict party. We call this domestic and transnational risk communication new social movement. From the viewpoint of system theory, the new social movement can mean the offensive development of self-reference which withstand the "technicalization of communication" through the "symbolically generalized communication media" like money and power. By comparing Northeast Asia and Europe, the nuclear energy conflict did not show a big difference in the selection of nuclear waste storing site. In the Northeast Asia, when Taiwan exports the nuclear waste to North Korea, the international conflict broke out. In Europe, Germany has a hard experience with the construction-plan for the re-treating plant that produces the plutonium from the dangerous nuclear waste, and with the transnational transport of the nuclear waste. The new social movement aims the global paradigm which is able to guarantee the subtainability of ecological environment. The nuclear conflict in the "world risk society" is solved through the "discourse-alliance" which accomplishes sub-politics by crossing the border of class, nation and system.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.109-136
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• 2012

This research analyzed the news coverage of controversy over Korean resumption of Wartime Operational Control from the United States in 2006, trying to find various narrative frames and their relevance to the characters of journalistic interpretive communities. Three competitive frames emerged: Self-national defense and peace making, Balance of self-national defense and the Korea-US alliance, and Priority of the Korea-U.S. alliance and national security. Journalistic discourses were also analyzed through the in-depth interviews of 14 journalists from three interpretive communities. The results revealed that competitions of narrative frames reflected the tensed relationship among political power blocs, each representing the liberal, moderate, or conservative camp of Korean society, and preference of journalistic practices such as objective journalism to advocacy journalism. Finally, inferences were made that the clashes among interpretive authorities, existing behind the competition of news frames, restrained public deliberations on a critical incident regarding national security by blocking up the reasoned news coverage of political controversy.