In Korea, 'spoon class discourse' has attracted public attention in the press and among young people, which reflects that mass awareness that the class status structure is clearly rooted in the society becomes widespread. Although income distribution has been improved since late 2000s, it is interesting that Korean people's subjective perception concerning class mobility and social justice has been worsemed. By using the survey data on people's perception of opportunity inequality, this study finds that Korean people have by and large negative subjective awareness regarding socio-economic opportunity inequality, magnitude of opportunity inequality, and achievement by efforts, and that the degree of the negative perception is greater in accordance with the people's subjective identification. The regression analysis reveals that the social status of respondents and their parents(-), experience of discrimination(+), age(-), and high education of college and above (+) have consistent effect over socio-economic opportunity inequality, magnitude of opportunity inequality, and achievement by efforts with statistical significance. More concretely, as people have lower subjective status identification at the time of parent generation and their own generation, as they have the experience of discriminatory misconduct, and as they are young and highly educated, they have negative or pessimistic perception regarding opportuinity inequality. In addition, it is revealed that the unemployed and non-regular workers have significantly negative perception on socio-economic opportunity inequality, magnitude of opportunity inequality, while negative perception on the magnitude of opportunity inequality and achievement by efforts is noticeable among high and middle income households.
With the aim of an intelligent world in the age of individual customization through decentralization of information and technology, sharing/opening, and connection, we often see a tendency to cross expectations and concerns in the technological discourse and interest in artificial intelligence more than ever. Recently, it is easy to find claims by futurists that AI singularity will appear before and after 2045. Now, as part of preparations to create a paradigm of coexistence that coexists and prosper with AI in the coming age of artificial intelligence, a standard framework for setting up more correct AI ethics and regulations is required. This is because excluding the risk of omission of setting major guidelines and methods for evaluating reasonable and more reasonable guideline items and evaluation standards are increasingly becoming major research issues. In order to solve these research problems and at the same time to develop continuous experiences and learning effects on AI ethics and regulation setting, we collect guideline data on AI ethics and regulation of international organizations / countries / companies, and research and suggest ways to set up a standard framework (SF: Standard Framework) through a setting research model and text mining exploratory analysis. The results of this study can be contributed as basic prior research data for more advanced AI ethics and regulatory guidelines item setting and evaluation methods in the future.
Amid global pandemic of covid-19, Korean government's response has drawn wide attention among social scientists as well as medical studies. The role of Korean state and civil society has attracted particular attention among others. Yet, this paper criticizes extant studies on Korean case which focus on the extensive intervention of the strong state and subjective attitude of Korean citizens in coping with covid-19. The concept of the strong state lacks social scientific specification and subjective citizens do not match with Korean realities. This article argues that Korean state's capacity in collecting and mobilizing digital data may offer better understanding for the successful responses to the pandemic. First, Korean state is the ultimate coordinator in collecting, analyzing and applying big data about the expansion of covid-19 with its huge network of dataveillance. Also, such role has been largely based upon relevant legal framework and well prepared manuals and cooperation with civic actors and companies. In other words, Korean digital dataveillance had demonstrated its transparency and cooperative governance. Second, such dataveillance capacity has deep roots in the long-term development of Korean state's big data management. Korean state has evolved about thirty years while enhancing digital data network within governments, companies and private sectors. Third, the relationship between Korean state's dataveillance and civil society can be characterized as a state centered push model. This model demonstrates highly effective governmental responses to covid-19 crisis but fall short of building social consensus in balancing individual freedom, human rights and effective containment policies. It means communitarian solidarity among citizens has not been a major factor in Korea's successful response yet.
The purpose of this study was to understand changes in domestic forest policy and social perception of forests from a macro perspective using big data analysis of news articles and editorials. A total of 13,570 'forest' related data were collected from metropolitan and economic journals from 1946-2017 using keyword and CONCOR (Convergence of iterated Correlations) analysis. First, we found the percentage of articles and editorials using the keyword 'forest'increased overall. Second, news data on 'forest' in the field of reporting was concentrated in the "social" sector during the first period (1946-1966), followed by forest-related issues expanding to various fields from the second (1967-1972) to fifth (1988-1997) periods, then toward the "culture" sector in the sixth (1998-2007) and "politics" after the seventh (2008-2017) period. Third, we found changes in the policy paradigm over time significantly changed social awareness. In the first and second periods, people experienced livelihood issues rather than forest greening or forest protection policy and expanded their awareness of planned and scientific afforestation (third) to environmental protection (fourth) and ecological perspectives (sixth to seventh). The key outcome of our analysis was leveraging news big data that reflected polices on forests and public social perception To further derive future social issues,more in-depth analysis of public discourse and perception will be possible using textual big data and GDP of various social network services (SNS), such as combining blogs and YouTube.
With the introduction of the system of recognizing masters of craft and performance skills in 1970, the principle of "preserving the original form," which was already in general use, was adopted as a legal principle in the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. While the concept "original form" can be related to tangible elements of heritage through the Act, the intangibility of craft and performance skills does not allow their pinpointing at a particular temporal period or the identification of a particular master from the past as the basis of an original form. Therefore, those craft or performance skills that are available at the point of recognition of relevant masters must serve as the basis of the original form for the intangible heritage concerned. This means that the principle of preserving the original form of intangible heritage has been implemented not based on a fundamental form of materiality, but rather on the craft or performance skills that may be held by a master at the time of his/her recognition as a "temporary original form." This principle has been observed through intangible heritage transmission and education policies for recognized masters and their trainees, contributing to establish an elitist transmission environment in which public were denied to join the education on intangible heritage. Even with policies guided by the principle of preserving the original form, designated craft and performance skills have been transformed contingent upon given social and environmental conditions, thus hindering the preservation of the original form. Despite the intrinsic limitations of the principle of preserving the original form when applied to intangible heritage, this principle has served as a practical guideline for protecting traditional Korean culture from external influences such as modernization and Westernization, and also as an ultimate goal for the safeguarding of intangible heritage, engendering actual policy effects. The Act on the Safeguarding and Promotion of Intangible Cultural Heritage that comes into effect in March 2016 takes the constantly evolving nature of intangible heritage into consideration and resultantly adopts a concept of "essential form" (jeonhyeong) in place of "original form" (wonhyeong). This new concept allows for any transformations that may take place in the environment surrounding the intangible heritage concerned, and is intended to mitigate the rigidity of the concept of "original form." However, it should be noted that "essential form," which is manifested as the unique significance, knowledge, and skills delivered by the intangible heritage concerned, should be maintained according to the guidelines and principles related to heritage conservation. Therefore, the new concept can be understood not as a rupture, but more as a continuum of the concept of "original form."
Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.
Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.
To newly discover the placeness of Xita Koreatown in Shenyang, this study establishes the conceptual structure of urban inclusivity based on the actor-network theory and the main discourse of inclusive cities. It then applies a framework to the relevant space for analysis. We conduct the case study by first identifying a historical timeline by dividing the age from the founding of New China to the present into sprouting and developing stages of Xita Koreatown, extracting major actors out of time, and finally creating a network graph for each of the six periods representing changes in the region. Throughout this process, we not only analyze the aspect of transition in the urban inclusivity of Xita Koreatown but also prospect the feasibility of an inclusive city for the area. The results of this study are as follows. First, the number and type of actors constituting Xita Koreatown have constantly increased significantly since the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and South Korea. The related actor-networks have also continued to expand in all indicators of urban inclusivity. Secondly, the agency of human actors such as Korean-Chinese, locals, and both South and North Koreans, representing the specificity of Xita Koreatown, has continuously improved. Lastly, due to the increase of cultural exchanges and related policy actors, the actor-network in this region has achieved an unprecedented leap forward. In conclusion, the urban inclusivity of Xita Koreatown in Shenyang shows significant growth in quality, with expectations of further improvement.
Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
/
v.17
no.2
/
pp.181-203
/
2011
Transformation towards multicultural society requires discussion on new concepts of citizenship which would overcome some limits of national citizenship developed on the basis of the nation-state. Citizenship can be defined as a relationship between individuals and their community, and conceptualized in a relation with identity. Citizenship also includes its spatial elements such as site and movement, place and public/private space, boundary and territory, flow and network, level and scale, etc. and in particular implies a multi-scalability of local, national, and global level. A new discussion on citizenship has emerged in Japan in shift to multicultural society, especially focusing on activities of local governments and grassroots social movements to support and ensure welfare services to and human rights of foreign immigrants in local communities, hence develops a concept of local citizenship. This concept seems to be highly significant for both foreign immigrants and Japanese dwellers for multicultural coexistence, but raises serious problems of separating local citizenship from formal national citizenship and from universal global citizenship. In order to resolve these problems, a new multiscalar concept of glocal citizenship which links interrelationally local, national and global citizenship. The concept of glocal citizenship is suggested to lead academically a new version of cosmopolitanism which embraces the universal and the particular in a dialectic manner, and to give strategically an alternative to multicultural coexistence policy and discourse and local citizenship discussion in Japan.
The purpose of the study was to explore modern people's emotion regarding sex commercialization related to the abolition of grid girl. To collect data, based on 'reply journalism', this study collected 15 blogs, 10 online cafe contents, 1 youtube video clip, and 364 replies associated with the three online contents. To analyze the data, interpretive text analysis was utilized and the following results were obtained. As results, the analysis on the replies shows that the most strong emotion of the modern people regarding the abolition of grid girl is anti-feminism that includes hatred toward feminists and even females, criticism on feminism, and notion of 'women's enemy is women themselves'. In addition, sympathy toward racing models who lost their jobs, requirement of same abolition to the people with similar occupations, spatial separation between men and women, and consent on the abolition of racing models were found. Unlike the feminists' emotion regarding sex commercialization and racing models, modern people's emotion was different from them. Rather, ordinary people have doubted and even criticized on the rationales of feminism. Unlike feminists' notion about sex commercialization of racing models, these results imply that social image of racing models has changed and wish their position is respected as an ordinary occupation, without issues of sex commercialization.
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