• Korean Journal of Animal Reproduction
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.167-176
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• 1997

This study was carried out to evaluate the potential for preselection of transgenic embryos prior to transfer into recipient animals. In these experiments, I used a 3.2 kb transgene which contained the neomycin resistance gene (neo) and lac Z gene driven by the $\beta$ actin promoter (iacZ Ineo). Oocytes were aspirated from abattoir ovaries, matured in TCM-199 supplemented with 10% fetal bovine serum (FBS), 5 ${\mu}\textrm{g}$/ml LH, 0.5 ${\mu}\textrm{g}$/ml FSH, 100 unit/ml penicillin, and 100 ${\mu}\textrm{g}$/ml streptomycin for 22 to 24 hrs then inseminated with a sperm suspension of 1 X 10$^6$ sperm/ml containing 5 ${\mu}\textrm{g}$/ml of heparin. At 18-20 hrs after insemination, cumulus cells were removed by vortexing and pronuclei of centrifuged zygotes microinjected with the lacZ/neo construct (3 ng/$\mu$l). All cultures were carried out in CR1aa with transfected BRL monolayers containing 3 mg/ml BSA, 20 $\mu$/ml NEM amino acids and 40 $\mu$I/ml BME amino acids. To identify the appropriate concentration of G418 for selection, non-microinjected zygotes were cultured in the presence of 0, 50, 100 and 200 $\mu$g/ml of G418. After 8 days of culture in these treatments, 44/145 (30.3%), 13/150 (8. 7%), 1/151 (0.7%) and 0/134 (0.0%) devel-oped to the blastocyst stage in 0, 50, 100 and 200 $\mu$g/ml of G418, respectively. A total of 1,127 zygotes were microinjected and placed into culture (without G418) and subsequently 710 (63.0%) cleaved. At 48 hrs post-injection, embryos ($\geq$2-cell) were randomly assigned to control (medium alone) or G418 (100 ${\mu}\textrm{g}$/ml) treatments. A control culture of 740 non-microinjected embryos from the same replicates of embryos were also placed into control medium. After 8 days in culture, 54/343 (15.7%) and 22/367 (6.0 %) of the microinjected embryos developed to the blastocyst stage in control and G418 media, respectively. A total of 151/740 (27.2%) of the non-microinjected embryos placed in the control medium developed to the blastocyst stage. The blastocysts in the control treatment had a mean of 70.7 ${\pm}$ 4.7 cells of which 23.1 ${\pm}$ 2.6 (32.7%) stained for $\beta$-Gal activity. B1astocysts in the G418 treatment had a mean of 48.8${\pm}$7.5 cells of which 40.3 ${\pm}$ 4.1 (82.6%) stained for $\beta$-Gal ac tivity (P<0.05). In the control treatment 26 of 30 (87.0%) blastocysts had some cells with $\beta$-Gal activity while all of the blastocysts in the G418 treatment had some cell with $\beta$-Gal ac tivity (P<0.05). However, ICM colonies in either control or G418 treatments were not expressed any epiblast cell except of trophetoderm celIs. The $\beta$-actin promoter/lacZ gene may not be e expression or silence expression in epiblast cells These results clearly show an enrichment of blastocysts expressing the transgene in the majority of their cells after culture in the presence of G418. The exogeneous gene was not express a and silence in ICM colonies especiallly epiblast cells except of trophectederm cells. Even though the higher rate cell number expressed of exogeneous gene in the G418 treatments, a total cell number was decrease significantly (P<0.05) of which might be also drop of the establishment of ES like-cell colonies and production of transgenic animals. However, futher studies need to determine the viability of these selected embryos and the avability of production of transgenic offspring.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Explosives and Blasting
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.3-13
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• 1991

The cautious blasting works had been used with emulsion explosion electric M/S delay caps. Drill depth was from 3m to 6m with Crawler Drill ${\phi}70mm$ on the calcalious sand stone (soft -modelate -semi hard Rock). The total numbers of test blast were 88. Scale distance were induced 15.52-60.32. It was applied to propagation Law in blasting vibration as follows. Propagtion Law in Blasting Vibration $V=K(\frac{D}{W^b})^n$ were V : Peak partical velocity(cm/sec) D : Distance between explosion and recording sites(m) W : Maximum charge per delay-period of eight milliseconds or more (kg) K : Ground transmission constant, empirically determind on the Rocks, Explosive and drilling pattern ets. b : Charge exponents n : Reduced exponents where the quantity $\frac{D}{W^b}$ is known as the scale distance. Above equation is worked by the U.S Bureau of Mines to determine peak particle velocity. The propagation Law can be catagorized in three groups. Cubic root Scaling charge per delay Square root Scaling of charge per delay Site-specific Scaling of charge Per delay Plots of peak particle velocity versus distoance were made on log-log coordinates. The data are grouped by test and P.P.V. The linear grouping of the data permits their representation by an equation of the form ; $V=K(\frac{D}{W^{\frac{1}{3}})^{-n}$ The value of K(41 or 124) and n(1.41 or 1.66) were determined for each set of data by the method of least squores. Statistical tests showed that a common slope, n, could be used for all data of a given components. Charge and reduction exponents carried out by multiple regressional analysis. It's divided into under loom over loom distance because the frequency is verified by the distance from blast site. Empirical equation of cautious blasting vibration is as follows. Over 30m ------- under l00m ${\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}41(D/sqrt[2]{W})^{-1.41}{\;}{\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}A$ Over 100m ${\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}121(D/sqrt[3]{W})^{-1.66}{\;}{\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots\cdots}{\;}B$ where ; V is peak particle velocity In cm / sec D is distance in m and W, maximLlm charge weight per day in kg K value on the above equation has to be more specified for further understaring about the effect of explosives, Rock strength. And Drilling pattern on the vibration levels, it is necessary to carry out more tests.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.90-102
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• 2012

Sansuyucheop by Heojoobugun(虛舟府君) as the subject of this study is a 십이-width picture album by the eldest grandson of 11 generations for Goseong Lee family, Lee Jong Ak(李宗岳: 1726-1773), a figure having five habits(五癖) for ancient documents(古書癖), playing the gayageum(彈琴癖), flowering plant(花卉癖), paintings and calligraphic works(書畵癖) and boating(舟遊癖) etc., who boated with 18 relatives, and those by marriage from old home, home of mother's side, wife's home, and his home for 5 days Apr. 4 through 8, 1763, starting from Imcheonggak, through Yangjeong(羊汀), Chiltan(七灘), Sabin Auditorium(泗濱書院), Seonchang(船倉), Nakyeon(落淵), Seonchal(仙刹), Seonyujeong(仙遊亭), Mongseongak(夢仙閣), Baekwoonjeong(白雲亭) and Naeap Village(川前里), Iho(伊湖), Seoeodae(鮮魚帶) to the returning point, Bangujeong(伴鷗亭), cruised magnificent views around Banbyeoncheon called 'Andong 8 Gyeong' or 'Imhagugok', and whenever the boat anchored, appreciated the scenery at each point, and enjoyed and loved arts playing the geomungo. This study reached following findings through grasping physical, ecological, visual and aesthetic changes about the places, sceneries, plant elements and past and current scenery of the width pictures expressed at this Sansuyucheop. The refinement on the boat seeing the clear river water, white sand beach, fantastically-shaped cliffs expressed at this Sansuyucheop, exchanging poems and calligraphies, and enjoying the geomungo is a good example displaying the play culture of high-class in Joseon Dynasty. Also construction of Imha Dam and Andong Dam has caused serious visual and ecological changes, making us not enable to feel the original mood of the background spots such as Yangjeonggwabeom(羊汀過帆), Chiltanhuseon(七灘候船), Sasubeomjoo(泗水泛舟), Seonchanggyeram(船倉繫纜), Nakyeonmosaek(落淵莫色), Mangcheonguido(輞川歸棹), Ihojeongdo(伊湖停棹), but only discern then landscape or sentiment through the landscape described at the canvas. The 1st picture(Donghohaeram, 東湖解纜), and the 11th picture(Seoeobanjo, 鮮魚返照) of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop expressed trees thought to be fallen, brad-leaf tall trees, and the 9th picture(Unjeongpungbeom, 雲亭風帆) formed a pine forest called 'Gaeho(開湖)' by Uncheongong planting 1,000 pine trees with the village people in 1617. In addition, Seunggyeongdo expressed ever-green needle leaf trees at the natural topography, and fallen-leaf tall trees around the pavilion and building. Comparative consideration of Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop and Shinam's Dongyusipsogi(東遊十小記) showed that the location of Samgok is assumed to be Macheon and Chiltan, so Imhagugok is assumed to start from Baekunjeong of Ilgok, Igok from Imcheon and Imcheon auditorium, Samgok from Mangcheon and Chiltan, Sagok from Sabin Auditorium of Sasoo, Ogok from Songseok, Yukgok from Sooseok of Seonchang, Chilgok from Nakyeonhyeonryu, Palgok from Seonchalsa and Seonyoojeong, and Gugok from Pyong Yuheo. This study can be significant in that it could clarify that Heojoobugun's Sansuyucheop is judged to be valuable in exquisitively expressing the coast of Banbyeon River, the biggest branch stream in the Nakdong River at the latter half of Joseon Dynasty, and as a vital diagrammatical historical data to make a comparative analysis of currently rarely-seen ancestors' life traces and landscape factors with present ones.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.65-89
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• 2004

Up to now, the studies for a pond of ancient palace of Korea are mainly achieved in a landscape architectural field. In fact, we can't grasp the general aspects but we are only heard about the fragmentary ruins and remains by the people who are in charge of an archaeological excavation. In this thesis, therefore, I attempt to grasp the relational categories of the ponds of an ancient palace of Korea, and find out the ideological backgrounds of the ponds of a palace construction through classify them excavated so far. The ancient ponds of Korea are divided to the class of square ponds(I) and curved ponds(II) according a shapes of planes. The class of square ponds(I) are subdivided to the form IA of the class of square ponds and form IB of the class of square ponds by whether it has an island, artificial hill and ornamental stone or not. And the class of the curved ponds(II) are divided to the form IIC that is only composed of curves in shore and the form IID that is composed of curves and straight lines. According the size, it is divided to a small size that is below the maximal diameter, 20m, and a large size that is more than 45m, after all, the ponds of the ancient palaces are devided to IAa, IAb, IBa, II Ca, IICb, IIDa. The square ponds and the curved ponds are co-exist from the initial stage when a pond of a place was found in our country and are succeeded or changed after Silla unified the three Kingdoms. In other words, we can infer a continuity from the earlier stage from the fact that there is a flat figure ground mainly constituted by the ponds of a palace mixed up of a straight line and a curved line in United Silla Kingdom while it succeeds the ponds of a palace that has a square form of Goguryo in Balhai. Different from the successional relation of the flat figure grounds, in an aspect of the elements of the construction, the site of the arbor at the top of the island and the bridge facilities in a field of a palace those are not exist in three Kingdoms period are appeared in United Silla Kingdom. The point that this aspect is simultaneously appeared in a neighboring country, or Japan, allows us to infer that there may be some motivations cause the changes in a construction of the ponds of a palace of Korea, China and Japan from the latter half of the 7th century to the first half of the 8th century. The ideological backgrounds of the ponds of a palace construction are divided roughly into Taoism and Buddhism. We can recognize that the ponds of a palace made up of the islands, the artificial hills and the garden rocks reflect Taiosm, considering the records of the ponds a palace of Korea and China are all use the term, Taoism, or the concrete statement represents that the islands, the artificial hills and the garden rocks are used in the description of the ponds of a palace of Korea. Both two are, therefore, obviously differentiated from the ponds of a palace that doesn't include them. We can conclude that the ponds of a palace that doesn't include them are colored by Buddhism since they are overtly distinguished from the class of curved ponds that reflect Taoism at the same period and they are identical with the site of an ancient temples in an aspect of their type and construction.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.26-42
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to examine and understand the area and the original outer boundaries of Hamchunwon(含春苑), which was the outer royal garden of Gyeonghuigung Palace, which existed before the site of the Russian legation. The results of the study are as follows. First, examining the 3 types of drawings prepared for securing the Russian legation's site and constructing a new building, it was confirmed that two low peaks, which appear to be the original terrain of Hamchunwon, existed in the north and south directions inside the site. According to the initial plan of the of the legation's site, it appears that the entrance of the legation building is connected to the Saemunan-ro in the northwest. However, according to the report made at the time when the Russian temporary minister Veber purchased the legation's site, it was recorded that the site already had a narrow entrance and a dirt road in place, and hence, it was connected to Saemunan-ro. This fact makes it possible to learn that the line of movement for officials and the original gate were located to the northwest of the site planned as the entrance of the legation building towards Hamchunwon. Second, the site was created by cutting the top of the high hill at the time of the construction of the legation building, and as a result, a two tiered staircase typed terrace was built. The ground on which the main building and the secretary's building, etc., were erected was made by cutting the highest peak and solidifying it flat, and a large quantity of soil was used for grading. In the case of the northern area of the main building, the traces of leveling the terrain by cutting the mountains are apparent, and an observation typed garden with a walking path and pavilion was formed by utilizing the physical environment equipped with an easy view. This may be considered as a use which is consistent with the topographical conditions of creating an outer royal garden to block the civilian views on a high terrain overlooking the palace. Third, Hamchunwon's fences were partially exposed in the photos from the 1880s through the 1890s, which demonstrate the spatial changes made around the US, UK, and the Russian legations. As a result of the photo analysis performed, Hamchunwon occupies the northern area of the Russian legation's site, and it is estimated that the north, west, and east walls of the legation resembled those of Hamchunwon. The area to the south of the Russian legation was originally a place made available for civilian houses, and it was possible to examine the circumstances of purchasing dozens of civilian houses and farmlands according to various materials. Fourth, Hamchunwon, which was formed as the outer royal garden of Gyeongdeokgung Palace of Lord Gwanghaegun, lost its sense of place as an outer royal garden when the entire building of Gyeonghuigung Palace was torn down and used as a construction members during the reconstruction of Gyeongbokgung Palace, and faded away as the site was sold to Russia around 1885. The area where Hamchunwon used to be located transformed into a core space of the Russian legation where the main building and garden were located after the construction of the new building. Hence, Hamchunwon, which was limited to the northern area of the Russian legation, does not carry the temporal and spatial context with Gyeongungung Palace and Seonwonjeon which were constructed after 1897, and it is determined that the view of Seonwonjeon as Baehoorim or Baegyeongrim is not valid.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.20-35
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• 2022

This study was conducted on the locational results of the 'Yusanggoksu(流觴曲水)' petroglyphs located in Hwanggak-dong(黃閣洞), Shinsong-ri, Geumma-myeon, Iksan-si through literature study, analysis of old maps and aerial photos, field observations, drone photography, elevation surveys, and interviews with residents. It was attempted for the purpose of illuminating and preserving the relics of the domestic Yusanggoksu garden by clarifying the spatiality of this place by tracing the spatiality and examining the possibility of enjoying the Yusanggoksu water system in this place. The conclusion of this study is as follows. The area around Hwanggak-dong, where the Yusanggoksu remains, has been selected as the most beautiful scenic spot in Iksan in various documents. The origin of 'Hwanggak' is considered to be closely related to the nickname of Uijeongbu(議政府). In other words, he paid attention to the relationship with Yanggok, So Se-yang(蘇世讓), who served as Chan-seong Jwa(左贊成). In particular, he paid attention to the relationship with his birthplace, Taeheojeong, a separate book, and Toehyudang, a retreat hall), tombs, and posthumous Confucian academies were distributed in the vicinity. Haseo-dae(荷鋤臺), a wide rock on which a hoe is hung on a rock after field work, seems to express a leisurely rural life and a simple and hermit life, based on the examples of Chinese and Korean poetry. The dark blood on the upper part of the Seobwi Rock with the inscription 'Yusanggoksu', which is the core of this site, is identified as a chailgong(遮日孔) to support the water system, and Ilgan-pavilion and Mojeong(茅亭) nearby are to support the yusanggoksu. It seems to have performed a spatial function for The inscription 'Hwanggak-dong' engraved on the front of Deungzanbawi is the gateway to Hwanggakdongcheon(黃閣洞天) and identified the idealized world existing in the village. Judging from the documentary records of the Iksan-gun 『Chongswaelog(叢瑣錄)』, the rock letters 'Hwanggak-dong' and 'Haseodae' were engraved on March 29, 1901, the 5th year of Gwangmu, the 5th year of the Korean Empire, by Iksan-gun Governor Oh Haeng-mook(吳宖默) and his acquaintance Seokseong Kim In-gil(金寅吉) Confirmed. Also, considering the tense of Lee Bong-gu's 「Hwanggakdongun(黃閣洞韻)」 and So Jin-deok, a descendant of Yanggok, 「Hwanggakdongsihoe(黃閣洞詩會)」, it is presumed that it was related to Goksuyeon(曲水宴) in Hwanggak-dong. It can be inferred that the current affairs meetings were held at least until the early days of Japanese colonial rule. Meanwhile, the maximum width of the current curved waterway was calculated as 11.3m and the transverse slope was 15.0%. If so, it is estimated that the width and extension distance of the curved waterway would have been much longer. Judging from the use of mochun(暮春), drinking and poetry, the tense 'Hwanggakdongsihoe' related to the Yusanggoksu relics in Hwanggak-dong, and the existence of a pavilion presumed to be Yusangjeong(流觴亭) called Ilgan-pavilion in the nearby Yusanggoksu site It is confirmed that it was a space where Yusanggoksuyeon(流觴曲水宴) spread at least until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. Unfortunately, it remains a limitation of the study that it cannot be confirmed due to lack of data on the rock characters of 'Yusanggoksu' and those who enjoyed it before the end of the Joseon Dynasty. This is an area that needs to be elucidated through continuous efforts to find data on this issue in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.15-28
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• 2021

'Cheonunjeongsa (天雲精舍)', designated as Gyeongsangbukdo Folklore Cultural Property No. 76, is a Siksanjeongsa built in 1700 by Manbu Lee Shiksan. In this study, we investigate the life and perspective of Manbu Lee in relation to Siksanjeongsa, and estimate the feng shui location, territoriality, and original landscape by analyzing 「Nuhangnok」 and 「Nuhando」, the results of his political management. The following results were derived by examining the philosophy that the scholar wanted to include in his space. First, Manbu Lee Shiksan was a representative hermit-type confucian scholar in the late Joseon Dynasty. 'Siksan', the name of the government official and the nickname of Manbu Lee, is derived from the mountain behind the village, and he wanted to rest in the four areas of thought(思), body(躬), speech(言), and friendship(交). During the difficult years of King Sukjong, Lee Manbu of a Namin family expressed his will to seclude through the title 'Siksan'. Second, There is a high possibility of restoration close to the original. Manbu Lee recorded the location of Siksanjeongsa, spatial structure, buildings and landscape facilities, trees, surrounding landscape, and usage behaviors in 「Nuhangnok」, and left a book of 《Nuhangdo》. Third, Manbu Lee refers to the feng shui geography view that Oenogok is closed in two when viewed from the outside, but is cozy and deep and can be seen from a far when entering inside. The whole village of Nogok was called Siksanjeongsa, which means through the name. It can be seen that the area was formed and expanded. Fourth, the spatial composition of Siksanjeongsa can be divided into a banquet space, an education space, a support space, a rest space, a vegetable and an herbal garden. The banquet space composed of Dang, Lu, and Yeonji is a personal space where Manbu Lee, who thinks about the unity of the heavenly people, the virtue of the gentleman, and humanity, is a place for lectures and a place to live. Fifth, Yangjeongjae area is an educational space, and Yangjeongjae is a name taken from the main character Monggwa, and it is a name that prayed for young students to grow brightly and academically. Sixth, the support space composed of Ganjijeong, Gobandae, and Sehandan is a place where the forested areas in the innermost part of Siksanjeongsa are cleared and a small pavilion is built using natural standing stones and pine trees as a folding screen. The virtue and grace of stopping. It contains the meaning of leisure and the wisdom of a gentleman. Seventh, outside the wall of Siksanjeongsa, across the eastern stream, an altar was built in a place with many old trees, called Yeonggwisa, and a place of rest was made by piling up an oddly shaped stone and planting flowers. Eighth, Manbu Lee, who knew the effects of vegetables and medicinal herbs in detail like the scholars of the Joseon Dynasty, cultivated a vegetable garden and an herbal garden in Jeongsa. Ninth, it can be seen that Lee Manbu realized the Neo-Confucian utopia in his political life by giving meaning to each space of Siksanjeongsa by naming buildings and landscaping facilities and planting them according to ancient events.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.17-29
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• 2006

Purpose: This research aimed to investigate the actual condition and satisfaction of volunteer activity in Australian hospital. Methods: Data was collected by self reported questionnaire from 101 volunteers and analyzed by frequency and percentage, t-test, ANOVA and Sheffe and Pearson's correlation coefficients using SPSS 12.0. Results: 1. Years involved in volunteer work were $5{\sim}10$ years (32.7%), above 10 years (30.7%), $2{\sim}3$ years (11.9%) and $3{\sim}5$ years (10.9%). Types of volunteer work were physical care (32.7%), physical and emotional care (14.9%), and others (18.8%). Types of allocation of tasks were by volunteer coordination (55.7%), and by volunteer preference and consent between volunteer and coordinator (both respectively, 20.5%). Main reasons for volunteer work were to help sick people (61.4%) and to make good use of leisure time (22.8%). Routes to start volunteer work were from his (her) own inquiries (43.4%), from hearing from other volunteers (30.7%) and from mass media (13.1%). 80.2% of volunteers had received some kinds of training or preparation for volunteer work. Suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work were 'very well' (74.0%) and 'mostly well' (18.0%). Reimbursements or benefits received for volunteer work were token or lunch or group outing (31.7%), and token and lunch or group outing (19.8%). Evaluation frequency for volunteer work was occasionally (372%), frequently (30.9%), always (17.0%) and never (14.9%). Relationship with volunteer work coordinator was very good (85.0%). The relationship with other volunteers was very good (81.2%). The relationship with hospital staffs was very good (69.7%) and mostly good (21.2%). Family and friend's support for volunteer work was very good (83.2%). 2 The mean score of satisfaction for the hospital volunteer activity was $3.09{\pm}0.49\;(range:\;1{\sim}4)$. The highest score domain was 'social contact', $3.48{\pm}0.61$, and the lowest was 'social exchange', $1.65{\pm}0.63$. An item of the highest score was 'I have an opportunity to help other people' ($3.83{\pm}0.40$), and the lowest score item was 'I will receive compensation for volunteer work I have done ($1.10{\pm}0.78$).' 3. The satisfaction from hospital volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), nam reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinators (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and support of their volunteer work by their family and friends (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Conclusion: The satisfaction of hospice volunteer activity was moderate. The satisfaction for hospice volunteer activity was shown by significant difference according to sex (t=2.038, P=0.044), marital status (F=3.806, P=0.013), years involved in volunteer work (F=3.326), main reason to do volunteer work (F=2.707, P=0.035), receive any training or preparation for volunteer work (t=-1.982, 0=0.050), frequency of evaluation for volunteer work (F=7.877, P=0.000), suitability of volunteer's skill and ability to voluntary work (t=2.712, P=0.049), relationship with volunteer work coordinator (F=-2.517, P=0.013), relation with hospital staffs (F=5.202, P=0.007), and family and friend's support for volunteer work (t=-3.394, P=0.001). Therefore, it is necessary to consider various factors to improve the satisfaction of voluntary work.