• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.67-82
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• 2004

There is a general agreement that the global social-economic system is undergoing fundamental changes, which can be explained in terms of the transformation of production system from the Fordism to Post-Fordism since the 1980s. These fundamental changes have resulted in the 'new urbanization' process in the most of large cities in the developed countries. The aim of this paper is to identify the 'new urbanization' process in a large city in Korea that is, Daejon. For the propose, this paper tries to examine and conceptualize empirically the changes of economic, political, social-cultural, and spatial aspects of Daejon metropolis in the respect of 'new urbanization'. The major findings of this essay are summarized as follows. First of all, Daejon economy has experienced new changes, that is the development of service economy and high tech industry. But the old industry still remain important in the urban economy. Secondly, in the political aspect, new civil movements flourish in the city, while the political power of Jaminlyeon, a pro-conservative and narrow-regionalism party, once dominated this region, has decreased its influence. Thirdly. the original CBD of Daejon has been declined while new (sub-)CBBs have emerging in Daejon spatial structures. In conclusion, we can find some clues of the new urbanization process in Daejon, but this process is still quite slow and somewhat different from those of large cities of the developed countries.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-186
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional conditions and problems for the transition to the North Korean economic system. As a research method, we first analyzed the legislative processes of 4th stage market reform policies (liberalization, privatization, privatization, and corporation) by major economic transition countries. And we found out the difference with North Korea. Based on this, it analyzed the process of institutionalization of North Korea's 4th stage economic reform policies (7.1 measures, comprehensive market policies, Currency reform, 6.28 policy). According to research, There are three important conditions that can not compare the changes of the North Korean market economy with those of the transition economies. First, the internal and external conditions and environment for the transition of the economic system and the role of the state and civil society are very different. Second, the means and objectives of the policy decision process and the implementation process are different. Third, it differs absolutely in terms of the nature and effectiveness of the nation's political and economic policies. Fourth, the priority, contents, and legislation process of economic policies for economic reform differ considerably from those of North Korea. Especially, when discussing the possibility of transition to the 'Chinese model', it is accompanied a considerable risk. It is because the purpose of market entry of control power in North Korea and their survival network are quite unique. In addition, China's domestic market size, population size, and type of control are quite different from North Korea. A necessary and sufficient condition for the transition of the North Korean economic system is the relaxation of physical control mechanisms and institutions in the market area. Next, it is necessary to make a legitimate institutionalization as well as an entire survey on the illegal ownership market. Based on this, it is necessary to gradually change the dependence of the domestic market on China to South Korea. In other words, this is a paradigm shift in the semi-controlled power exclusion, post-automation and domestic market.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.259-294
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• 2014

The key concept of political thoughts of Confucianism is 'Tian(天)=the Heaven' and 'Ren(人)=the Human being'. In particular, the meaning of 'the Heaven(天)' is profoundly exclusive in Confucianism in comparison to the other concepts. It is because that 'the Heaven' is connected with 'Ri(理)' which explains the human being and the heaven metaphysically, and the discussions about those concepts have also been widening to the political field. And if the concept of 'the Heaven's nature(天命)' is excluded, it is difficult for us to discuss the essence of political thought of Confucianism. This paper argued how the politicalization of 'the Heaven' which was private dimension of monarch in the strict sense, changed to the public dimension of people in Japan in the early 18th century through some theories of the two famous philosopher, Ito-Jinsai(伊藤仁齋) and Ogyu-Sorai(荻生?徠) who belonged to the 'Kogakuha(古學派)'. The doctrines of Chu-tzu(朱子學) has hold absolute authority over the history of the oriental political thoughts. But the authority have gone through the stage of disorganization in a unique space called Eto(江戶) era of Japan. Therefore, the interpretations and concept establishments in a new dimension are naturally formed in that periods about 'Min(民)=People'. Based on discussions like this, the purpose of this paper is to study how those movements are emerged in what kinds of thinking and debating process. In part of Ito-Jinsai, this paper have reconsidered the concept of 'People' which Jinsai had thought and examined closely with critical mind about 'In(仁)=Mercy'. In case of Ogyu-Sorai, this paper have argued his political theory of 'the welfare of the people in the nation(安民天下)', in clarifying with the concept of 'the Roads of the Saint(先王의 道)' and the meaning about his declaration that "the Six Scripture(六經) is things(物)". The meaning of political view of this two philosopher is in the point to suggest some kinds of cure for problems of those days with the former days values. In the Jinsai's doctrine, that cure is 'the realization of the rule of right(王道)' based on new interpretation of 'Mersy'. And in case of Sorai, that is a form of independence of politics from morality based on 'the Roads of the Saint'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.170-193
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• 2021

In this article, I examine the transformation of the Iksan Royal Palace into a temple. And it was considered to mean a change in the way Iksan was managed by Baekje. The Iksan Royal Palace was converted into a temple between the establishment of Mireuksa Temple and Stone Pagoda. As a result, the transfer of the capital to Iksan was not achieved, and Iksan was transformed into a temple-centered city. In connection with this, the need to re-establishment the urban system in Sabi was increased, as it suffered a great flood in the Muwang era. As a result, the scope of the royal palace was expanded, the secondary palace was built, and the urban district was expanded throughout the capital city. It is presumed that King Mu gave a divine nature to Iksan and discriminated against Sabi. Accordingly, it is believed that the King Mu or King Uija stopped developing the city in Iksan and focused on the rearrangement of Sabi.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.189-200
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• 2011

Social media environment has had a significant effect on 'power shift' over the world. Such change was due to the choice of smart people. Accordingly, the Smart Citizens Party PR strategies of $S^6M^2AR^3T^4$ should be formulated in accordance with times. Now, politicians or parties can gain a Specific, Simplicity, Sharing and Strong Synergy effect through Social Network Service (SNS). In addition, in order to embody Mighty, Measurable, and Achievable policies, policy-makers should formulate policies based on a Realistic basis, which can gain people's Reliability in every field Relevant to people's way of a happy life by giving them Time of equal opportunity and making them share the same vision and Target with Target segmentation for all sorts of people, Together. In this sense, twelve kinds of alternative words in The Smart Citizens Party PH strategies are suggested. The study suggests desirable direction of development and alternatives in regard to the trends of The Smart Citizens Party PR strategies. Alternatives that are given in this research paper will receive the people's choice because they are a dynamic force to execute 'mighty and powerful Korea'.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Environmental Edudation Conference
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• 2004.12a
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• pp.43-58
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• 2004

환경운동 10년의 결과 '생태적 감수성'이라는 '감성영역'이 새롭게 개발되고 보편화 되었으며, 녹색소비의 정신이 확산되고, '환경'은 늘 관심을 기울어야 하는 '문제영역'으로 설정될 수 있었다. 이는 환경교육에도 확산되어, 녹색소비 운동과 관리주의적 실천은 이제 보편화되었다. 지방정부에서 '의제21'을 채택하여 개발연대에 직강화된 '도시하천'의 생태적 복원이 활발하게 진행중이고, 초중고교의 '녹색화' 사업이 생태숲이나 생태연못 등등의 명칭하에 진행중이다. 한편 '환경교육진흥법'은 아직 계류중이긴 하나, 경기도와 같이 지방정부 수준에서 체험적 생태교육 시설을 정책적으로 확장해 나가고자 하는 흐름도 있다. 또한 1999년의 동강댐 반대투쟁, 2003년과 2004년의 새만금 저지투쟁과 부안항쟁을 거치면서 생명의 소중함에 대한 인식은 이제 '생명권' 개념의 확산을 앞두고 있을 정도로 보편화되고 있다. 그리고 이는 생태적 감수성을 함양하는 '체험 환경교육'의 보편화로 나타나고 있다. 하지만 교과교육으로서의 환경교육과 체험학습 영역의 환경교육은 '접점'을 찾지 못하고 있다. 한편으로 온 나라를 떠들썩하게 만드는 '환경갈등'에 대하여 그것의 '뿌리'를 완전히 뽑아내는 방식의 '재발 방지' 정치적 성과는 제대로 축적되고 있지 못하며, 환경교육은 '환경갈등'의 정치경제적 속성을 정면으로 응시하고 있지 못하다. 2004년의 환생교사업방향중 하나가 '사회적 실천'을 강조하는 흐름이었던 것은 바로 이와 같은 사정을 반영한다. '생태적 감수성'은 실천이라기 보다 안주와 '누림'의 영역으로 되기 십상이었기에 그러하며 실제로 상품화된 '생태기행'의 등장은 그런 맥락에서 이해된다. 그럼에도 이는 10년전 '군사문화'가 우리안에 살아있던 것에 비하면 분명 큰 진전이다. 군사훈련식의 수련활동이 생명과 생태에 대한 감수성을 일깨우는 '생태적 감수성' 함양으로 전환된 것이 단적인 경우이다. 이제 이러한 성과를 토대로 이후 학교환경교육 10년을 전망할 수 있어야 하겠다. 필자는 그 화두를 '환경정의'와 '생태적 합리성'에서 찾고자 한다. 생태적 감수성 키우기가 상업화 단계에 이를 정도로 보편화되었다면, 이를 바탕으로 '생태적 합리성'이라는 체계적인 지식교육을 거쳐서, '환경정의' 의식의 제고로 이어가고, 굵직한 '환경갈등'의 상황에서 뚜렷한 정치적 태도와 실천을 할 수 있는 '생태적 인간상'의 육성으로 나아갈 수 있어야 한다는 것이 필자의 생각이다. 이를 위해서는 어찌되었건 체험학습 영역에서는 환경현안에 대한 사회적 실천을 '교육 소재'로 삼을 수 있어야 하며, 교과학습 영역에서는 한국사회의 환경현안에 대한 정치경제적 접근을 외면하지 말고 교과서 저작의 소재로 삼을 수 있어야 하며, 이는 '환경관리주의'와 '녹색소비'에 머물러 있는 '환경 지식교육'과 실천을 한단계 진전시키는 작업으로 이어질 것이다. 이후 10년의 환경교육은 바로 '생태적 합리성'과 '환경정의'라는 두 '화두'에 터하여 세워져야 한다.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.107-144
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• 2012

Recently concerns on the energy future are rising in Korea after nuclear disaster of Fukushima in Japan last year. However, even after Fukushima disaster Korean government keeps on insisting nuclear oriented energy policy. Contrary to it, some of civil society's organizations(CSOs) including environment groups and progressive political parties are making strong voices for phase-out nuclear. As a way of phase-out nuclear activity researcher groups based on CSOs have presented several alternative energy scenarios against the official government scenario so that contest between the two senarios seems not to be avoided. This article aims to analyse the politics of expertise around energy scenarios in Korea by highlighting differences between two scenarios of government and CSOs in terms of epistemological and methodological base, value orientation, institutional foundation, and the socio-political contexts of scenarios. Our research shows that government's energy scenario is based on scientific-positivist epistemology, firm belief in value neutrality and forecasting method, and is built by neo-classical economists at government-sponsored research institutes in accordance with the 'Business As Usual' approach. In contrast, alternative scenarios of CSOs can be said to be based on epistemological constructivism, value oriented attitudes and backcasting method, and be built by collaboration of researchers and activists with different academic and social backgrounds after Fukushima nuclear disaster.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.309-334
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• 2010

This study explores gender mechanism of welfare politics in Korea from the perspective of welfare status theory. In the simplistic analysis, it is found that there is no gender difference in welfare attitudes. In the more sophisticated analysis of welfare-status-beased SEM, however, it is found that Korean welfare politics is to be understood in terms of gender-related politics. Three major findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, Korean women possess less pro-welfare attitudes in terms of the status of welfare beneficiary. This is due to the visible gender segregation in the Korean labor market on the one hand and due to the centrality of social insurance programs in the structure of Korean public welfare system on the other hand. Secondly, Korean women have relatively higher level of pro-welfare attitude when it comes to the status of welfare service provider. Thirdly, Korean women tend to be more supportive to pro-welfare parties as they have less chance to be a higher taxpayer. Based on the above mentioned findings, this study concludes that it is possible to make Korean women be more pro-welfare if the Korean welfare state expands more social services that tend to meet urgent needs of women.

• Proceedings of the KIEE Conference
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• 2009.07a
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• pp.503_504
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• 2009

마이크로그리드는 계통에 연계되어 부하에 전력을 공급하게 되며, 필요에 따라 독립운전이 가능한 충분한 용량을 가진 2대 이상의 마이크로소스와 저장정치, 그리고 부하가 혼재된 하나의 독립된 전력망으로 정의된다.[1][2] 마이크로그리드가 계통과 연계운전 중 계통측 사고로 인하여 독립운전 모드로 전환되었다가 계통측 사고복구가 되면 다시 연계운전을 하게 된다. 마이크로그리드는 계통과의 재동기화 시 마이크로그리드와 계통의 전압위상차에 따라 스위칭 과도현상이 크게 발생한다.[2] 이 논문은 마이크로그리드의 계통 재동기화 시 SS(Static Switch)의 스위칭 과도현상을 줄이기 위한 기존 방법들의 문제점을 분석하고, 이러한 문제점들을 해결할 수 있는 새로운 방법을 제안하였다. 제안한 방법은 전력계통 과도현상 해석 툴인 EMTP/RV를 이용한 시뮬레이션을 통하여 타당성을 검증하였다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.212-221
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• 2007

Local festival can be defined as the essence of the local culture as it represents the lifestyle and culture of the people in the community intensively and implicatively. The local festival actives the regional economy, enhances the community image, harmonizes the community residences, and gives the good opportunity for the education of the culture mind. The ways in which the local economy can be activated through the festival are to find a way to get in goals, to use the characters of the Cheongju region in creating a brand and products for the festival.