• 지역과문화
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.25-53
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• 2021

Based on the assumption that understandings and practices have been shifted in accordance with the historical context, this study aims to propose future policies to localize cultural diversity. First, in this study, it is necessary for the concept of cultural diversity, which came from political struggles, to understand and practice cultural diversity in the historical context by analyzing the multilayer aspects of policy practices. Second, through the case study of Jeonlabuk-do, by reviewing the discrimination experienced by social minorities and the perception of professionals related to culture policies in the region, this study represents to understand and practice of cultural diversity in the multi-layed way, even in the local. Lastly, it suggests some specific future policies to be considered when implicating the policies of culture diversity in respond to the limits of current government policies, including: decentralization of policies, enhancing local policies, transition from 'politics of distribution' to 'politics of recognition', an interculturalist approach that promotes contact rather than separation

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• The Journal of the Petrological Society of Korea
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.147-160
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• 1998

The Samrangjin Caldera, a trapdoor-type, formed by the voluminous eruption of the silicic ash-flows of the Samrangjin Tuff which is above 630m thick at the northern inside of the caldera and thinnerly 80m at the southern inside. The caldera volcanism eviscerated the magma chamber by a series of explosive eruptions during which silicic magma was ejected to form the Samrangjin Tuff. The explosive eruptions began with phreatoplinian eruption, progressed through small plinian eruption and transmitted with ash-flow eruption. During the ash-flow eruption, contemporaneous collapse of the roof of the chamber resulted in the formation of the Samrangjin caldera, a subcircular depression subsiding above 550m deep. During postcaldera volcanism after the collapse, flow-banded rhyolite was emplaced as cental plug along the central vent and ring dikes along the caldera margins. Subsequently rhyodacite porphyry and dacite porphyry were emplaced along the inner side of the ring dike. After their emplacement, residual magma was emplaced as a hornblende biotite granite stock into the southwestern caldera margin. In the northeastern part, the eastern dikes were cut final intrusions of granodioritic to granitic composition along the fault zone of $^{\circ}$W trend.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.269-291
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• 2012

Analyzing EU trade laws and institutional systems, the trade policy of EU has been founded, undoubtedly, on common interests for EU members. EU trade policy leaves room for 'Collective Protectionism' by permitting legal persona or interesting group to raise anti-dumping procedures. The anti-dumping policy of EU has shown a protectionism itself and has been affected by political motives. Investigation against anti-dumping can easily open and also there exists a wide range of political involvements. Furthermore, anti-dumping policy could be misused for protecting declining industries, which lost comparative advantage in global market. Economic theories show that anti-dumping measures divert import from outsider into insider members, which finally results in increasing intra-production of EU. This is exactly the reason why the anti-dumping policy has become attractive trade policy.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.40
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• pp.83-107
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• 2015

Propaganda is often accepted as the political promotion that had used mostly by the socialist states during the First and the Second World Wars and the Cold War and by Hitler who governed Germany. Therefore, cases of the study on the image and picture propaganda were mostly posters or films of the socialism period when the propaganda was active. However, today it is not easy any more to find propaganda of the clear promotion characteristic as the past. In these modern times, it has changed into metaphorical propaganda based on 'persuasion', rather than publicity like past. Therefore, it has been changing from the direct promotion of the past into the indirect persuasion; and from the raw, direct and powerful publicity and claim into the soft and metaphorical persuasion and appeal. Thus, investigating again the contemporary propaganda will be an important element in analyzing contemporary images. The animation, selected as a target of the analysis of propaganda, exists in various ways in various images of the modern times, which is not too much to say that today's society is the television society. Besides, the animation is the image that can cover all ages as men and women of all ages can watch, so it is proper for analysis of the contemporary propaganda of metaphorical, indirect and various forms.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.311-326
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• 2016

Assemblage has become a popular concept in modern socio-spatial theories with relational and material turns. This article investigates the concept of assemblage focusing on Deleuze and Guattari. By comparing similar concepts such as Foucault's apparatus and Actor-Network Theory, this article demonstrates that assemblage emphasizes not only deterritorialization but also (re)territorialization, and that the exteriality of relations is a critical aspect that differentiate assemblage from other relational spatial concepts. Assemblage can highlight the value of empiricism as an analytical tool, and be open to new spatial imaginations as well as multiple existences and possiblities of alternative political projects and practices.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.33-79
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• 2012

This paper first aims to reveal that, in the current trend of 'the participatory turn' in STS, there are divergent positions subtly different from each other, and that the understanding of these divergent positions can be significant to study the differences, similarities and interfaces between the various models of scientific governance discussed in STS and those in risk governance developed by risk studies. Secondly, this paper shows that theoretical differences among STS scholars on scientific governance and public participation goes back to the 1970s and 1980s, during which they first laid down the conceptual basis of STS. All ideas and theories have their own historicity. This article is about the 'historical epistemology' of the participatory turn of STS, and is to seek 'political epistemology' that can become a shared vision of STS.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.215-223
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• 2020

After the war, the circle literature movement took place in Japan around the 1950s. The subjects of the national movement, the Korean-Japanese, have produced and expanded their political rights and claims through circles and organs in conjunction with the literary movement. However, the results of analyzing the exchanges and conflicts between the political subjects of the Korean national movement and the literary circle movement as a concrete case to date are still insignificant. After liberation, the endless worries and confrontations to the post-colonialization of literary Koreans in Japan were analyzed as 'community with Republic of Korea and Japan', 'topic and creative language', and as 'conflict with Korean association in japan'. The process leading to dissolution was analyzed. The spirit of the era of Koreans in Japan in the 1950s identified in this paper is expected to suggest a new direction for the starting point of study of the humanities in Japan.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.351-377
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• 2008

Corruption in China became increasingly serious during the early period of its social transition, resulting in severe economic losses and huge challenges to China's government institution, as well as gradually becoming socially widespread. Recently. China's political corruption is an outcome of the attenuated political control, which has been caused by a systemic change from planned economy to market economy since 1978, and the lack of institutionalization to relieve such transition. Besides, the immature market system and state's intervention in the economy are other factors for the corruption. In short, current China's corruption can be regarded as a structuralized phenomenon. This article identified such circumstance by analyzing the scope, degree, and scale of the corruption. Overall assessment of the some factors suggests that present economic modernization is a principal cause for Chinese corruption while the other factors-monopoly power system in the Chinese Communist Party and the transformation of connection-are important but secondary.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.