• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.7-40
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• 2018

This article aims to analyze sharing city and energy transition policies of Metropolitan Seoul in terms of the theory of sustainability transition. The concept of sustainability transition provides a framework to analyze how sustainability oriented long-term transition emerges from the existing social institutions and incumbents and who/how steers this process. For solving environmental challenges as systemic problems, system/regime transition for sustainability is needed and reflexive governance as well in this process. Especially, with these reflexive interventions, the consideration of politics of transition is essential. This paper analyzes cases of 'Nanum Car (car sharing)', 'Seoul Bike (public bike)' as 'sharing city' policy and 'One less nuclear power plant (OLNPP)', 'Energy self-reliant villages' as energy transition policy. We found out that reflexive governance and transition politics of car sharing were not successful, but public bike policy had a potential for transition to sustainable transportation system. These two cases, however, provided little potential for new mode of politics of transition. OLNPP and 'Energy self-reliant villages' have made an opportunity for system/regime transition through making vision of post-nuclear system and achieving ecological and social justice goals. In terms of governance and politics of transition, the latter two cases made a new mode of sustainability governance and power relations.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.2
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• pp.9-30
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• 2017

Generally, regime shift occurs less frequently than policy change and/or government change. Regime shift needs alterations and changes along the three critical components which constitute a domestic regime: (1) the character of the socioeconomic coalition that rules the country; (2) the political and economic institutions through which power is acquired and exercised; and (3) the public policy profile that give political direction to the nation. This paper tries to examine characteristics of the welfare regime of Korea, and explore policy reform options for the welfare regime shift in Korea. From the viewpoint of livelihood security perspective, I firstly tries to examine development process of Korean welfare regime and specify the main characteristics of that regime. Secondly, I present three policy reform options: (1) reform of the formal political institutions such as electoral system and government type; (2) restructuring of the composition of government expenditure structure; and (3) reduction of the informal employment. These three policy reform options are related to the alteration of socioeconomic coalitions and the changes of the political and economic institutions. Instead of concluding remarks, I finally suggest two debate topics to the round table discussion.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.7
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• pp.154-167
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• 2016

This study is to analyze whether the use of SNS in politics has any political effects. Most previous studies on political participation by SNS tended to just focus on the participation difference between SNS users and non-users. The test results first show that the development of ICT increases citizens' interest in political information and differentiate the methods of their political participation. Second, we identified SNS users tend to have higher reliability in political information and greater transversion effects by the use of media. Finally, the study verifies SNS is a more effective tool in collective actions such as non-customary rallies and demonstration rather than in customary political participation.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.223-229
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• 2021

• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.75-105
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• 2019

As energy transition accelerates and transition politics intensifies, the strategy and pathway of energy transition are becoming an issue. And there is a growing interest in energy democracy as a discourse criticizing market-led energy transition and seeking fundamental restructuring of energy system. However, the imaginations of energy democracy are different from each other as a social movement discourse and a criterion for political evaluation of energy transition. This study aims to analyze the issues of energy democracy and reinterpret them from the perspective of the Commons. As various social movements are connected, energy democracy includes elements of localization, decentralization, liberalization, commoning and socialization that can conflict with each other in terms of transition strategy. In addition, the imagination of the subject of energy transition is diverging between investors, consumers, workers, and energy citizens. Thinking about energy infrastructure as the Commons in this situation helps to understand the critical issues of energy democracy and to imagine new transition experiments. Energy democracy implies that the new commons are being created across the scale of energy infrastructure in the contention of the transition to a decentralized renewable energy system.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.35 no.6 s.397
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• pp.25-25
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• 2002

• Daejeon Development Forum
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• s.30
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• pp.28-39
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• 2009

• Agrochemical news magazine
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• v.19 no.6 s.147
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• pp.19-21
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• 1998