• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.28
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• pp.111-140
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• 2005

Most of studies on the press during the period of Japanese occupation in Korea have focused on the activities of newspapers in 1920s. These past studies didn't examine the whole process of change of the press under the Japanese occupation in Korea. Thus, this study tried to investigate the change of the tenor of Korean newspaper editorials on the ruling policies during the end of the colonial period in Korea as a part of attempts exceeding the limit of past studies. After the outbreak of the war between China and Japan in 1937, the Korean newspapers were full of stereotyped editorials resembling in a way official gazette. Dong-A Ilbo and Cho-Sun Ilbo represented the purpose of the war was to emancipate Asian countries from Western imperialist countries and to establish the peace of the Asia. Simultaneously, two newspapers played an important role in assimilating the Korean people into the Japanese and mobilizing them to the war, The tenor of these editorials was affected by intensified control over the press and the change of the consciousness of journalists. In conclusion, these newspapers had a harmful influence on the Korean people as a weapon to the movement to organize and mobilize them. Therefore the interest for researching on the pro-Japanese press should be taken in view of 'resistance' and 'collaboration.'

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.79-113
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• 2016

This study aims to diachronically explore the women's movements in modern Japan by focusing on three key words, 'maternity,' 'suffrage,' and 'war,' in uncovering how these concepts relate to Japan as a state. In particular, this study sheds light on the policies toward women not from the perspective of the state, but rather from women's perspective and evaluates their expectations toward the 'state' thorough the activities of Fusae Ichikawa and $Raich{\bar{o}}$ Hiratsuka. Hiratsuka, who was devoted to establishing the 'state protection of maternity,' ended up casting away such expectations toward the state after the failure of the petition movement developed by the New Women's Association. On the other hand, Ichikawa, encouraged by the success of women's suffrage movement in the U.S., remained active in the petition movement in the hope of attaining female suffrage. Because of this, Ichikawa was more vulnerable to the requests by the national authorities for the cooperation in war efforts-event though most of her activities were contained within the redressing of everyday life issues. The expectations toward the 'state' was a principal driving force of women's movements in modern Japan, yet at the same time it was also the reason why-as purging of Ichikawa symbolizes-they came to be stigmatized with the promotion of invasive war.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.25-29
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• 2024

After the Russia-Ukraine War, NATO broke away from the peacekeeping strategy that it had maintained and declared that it would strengthen the multilateral security consultative body, pursue strategic stability, expand armaments, cooperate security, and strengthen dialogue and cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region. Changes in NATO's strategy directly and indirectly affect Korea's security environment. Only by clearly analyzing this and establishing policies and strategies to respond to it can the threat be suppressed and national interests protected. NATO designates China and Russia as threats. By using cooperation and solidarity with NATO as an opportunity, we will be able to strengthen security cooperation and alliances, develop and expand the defense industry market, and expand opportunities to participate in the Ukraine reconstruction project.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.85-114
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to analyze Russia-Central Asia relations since the launch of the EAEU in 2015 and forecast the future from a structural realism perspective. Bilateral relations have both elements of close cooperation and elements of conflict. Russia and Central Asia, which have the characteristics of an authoritarian alliance, also have a symbiotic relationship in which they have no choice but to cooperate with each other to maintain the regime. Based on this, Russia has made various efforts to reunify Central Asia. Central Asia also has no choice but to cooperate with Russia for its survival, but at the same time, it has expanded its scope of cooperation in the international community to avoid being subjugated to Russia again. However, as China's power expands, Russia's relative weakness, and wariness toward Russia increases after the Ukraine War, the gap in bilateral relations is widening. In particular, as China's influence grows, Russia's nervousness also increases. This is why Putin visits Central Asia and holds active summit talks even during the war in Ukraine. If competition between Russia and China surfaces, there is a high possibility that the international order in Central Asia will become unstable. However, it is still unlikely that the power of Russia and China will reverse in Central Asia. Above all, the security, historical, and cultural connections between Russia and Central Asia are areas that are difficult for China to catch up with. Therefore, a weakening of Russia's influence compared to the past is inevitable, but its superiority is expected to continue. If Russia breaks away from belligerence and transforms into an attractive cooperative partner, there is a possibility that bilateral relations will take an upward turn again. However, it seems unlikely that such changes and innovations will occur under the Putin regime. Therefore, the biggest obstacle to realizing Putin's goal of reunifying Central Asia is Putin himself.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.11 s.153
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• pp.48-55
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• 1991

이 글에서는 과학기술이 전쟁에 미치는 영향을 개관하고, 재래식 무기의 기술기반을 확충하면서 첨단 및 핵심 기술을 접목시켜 국가 전체의 과학기술을 균형있게 발전시킬수 있는 민과 군의 상호협력 방안과, 국가의 총체적인 과학기술의 수준을 더 한층 높이고 이를 활용하여 방위력을 증강시킬수 있는 산.학.연.군의 협동방안을 제시하였습니다

• Venture DIGEST
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• s.37
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• pp.6-7
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• 2003

기업은 환율갈등과 통상마찰이 불리하게 작용하는 최악의 경우를 상정하여 보수적인 대응책을 마련해야 한다. 특히 무역보복의 빌미가 될 수 있는 가격 덤핑이 일어나지 않도록 동종 업체들이 협력해야 한다. 또 위안화 동향에 계속 신경을 쓰는 한편 단기간에 큰 폭의 조정을 받는 경우를 상정한 시나리오를 마련해야 한다.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.26-38
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to analyze the commemoration culture of Vietnam War Memorials (VWM) in Vietnam. Through site survey, the researcher selected 23 VWM in Vietnam and analyzed 5 categories: memorial type, design concept and narratives, location and spatial form, landscape elements, and content expressed in landscape details. The results are as follows: 1. Because of the long, drawn out Vietnam War, which lasted from 1955 to 1975, VWM were divided into 10 types mainly as soldier cemeteries based on a traditional memorial style, battlefields and places of tragedies considering sense of place, war museums representing victory and atrocity in war, and peace parks promoting reconciliation and peacemaking. 2. The analysis revealed that the main concepts and narratives of VWM were to value the victims of the Vietnam War, remember soldiers' contributions, highlight the victory in war and resistance to the United States, and express a sense of place. Peacemaking applied only to My Lai Peace Park and Han-Viet Hoa Binh Cong Vien, built by international cooperation. 3. Cemeteries and appreciation memorials were designed to follow a traditional memorial space form that highly regard both axis and symmetry. The design concept at battlefields and places where tragedies occurred depended mainly upon a sense of place and used symbolic landscape elements to compensate for the undefined concept. 4. Sculptures and towers were mainly used to highlight war victory and resistance as the representative style of a Socialist country, weapons and pictures exhibited in war museums and battlefield showed the reality and strain of war. Symbolic elements of Buddhism and Confucianism were often introduced as a way to venerate the memory of deceased persons. 5. The state and heroic actions in the Vietnam War were realistically depicted on sculptures and walls. Also, the symbolic phrase, 'TO-QUOC-GUI-CONG' meaning 'our country remember your achievement', were written on the memorial tower and 'Quagmiire' was used to metaphorically represent the difficulties faced by the U.S. military on battlefields during the war and the uncertainly that pervaded U.S. society in those days. 6. In VWM, ideologies like nationalism, patriotism, socialism, capitalism were mixed and traditional cultures like Buddhism, Confucianism, Taoism were inherent. Differing from their Confucianism culture, war heroes, particularly including women, were often described by sculpture, monument, and pictures and the conflict in and outside the country regarding the Vietnam War was shown. Further study will be required to analyze design characteristics of VWM in the u.s. and to understand the difference in commemoration cultures between Vietnam and the U.S.

• KIPS Transactions on Computer and Communication Systems
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• v.11 no.10
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• pp.353-362
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• 2022

The Russian-Ukraine war is accompanied by a military armed conflict and cyberattacks are in progress. As Russia designated Korea as an unfriendly country, there is an urgent need to prepare countermeasures as the risk of cyberattacks on Korea has also increased. Accordingly, impact of 19 cyberattack cases were analyzed by their type, and characteristics and implications were derived by examining them from five perspectives, including resource mobilization and technological progress. Through this, a total of seven measures were suggested as countermeasures for the Korean government, including strengthening multilateral cooperation with value-sharing countries, securing cyberattack capabilities and strengthening defense systems, and preparing plans to connect with foreign security companies. The results of this study can be used to establish the Korean government's cybersecurity policy.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Tribologists and Lubrication Engineers Conference
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• 1991.11a
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• pp.1-7
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• 1991

소련과 동구라파의 개방과 개혁으로 신문지상에는 냉전의 종식, 동서화합 등에 관한 기사가 심심치 않게 등장하며, 잇따른 미$\cdot$소의 군비감축 발표로 정치적으로나 사회적으로나 세계평화가 구가되는 시기가 도래한 듯한 느낌을 준다. 이러한 변화를 일각에서는 민주주의의 승리라고 말하고 있지만, 구체적으로 분석해보면 동구권의 개방고 개혁은 소비재 경제의 파탄으로 서방국가에 비해 국민 생활이 극심하게 낙후된것에 기인하고 있고, 그 원인은 기술의 상업화가 부재하였기 때문으로 서방과 동구의 현격한 민수용 기술격차가 동구권 변화의 근본적 이유이다. 오늘날 기술경쟁은 총성없는 전쟁으로 묘사되고 있으며, 기술정보는 군사정보 이상으로 중요하게 취급되고 있다. 우리는 상재국가 또는 경쟁기업을 대상으로 한 기술전쟁의 시대에 살고 잇다. 얼마나 우수한 물건을 저렴한 가격으로 생산해서 판매할 것인가 하는 문제가 기업의 생존과 그 나라의 경제를 좌우한다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 소련과의 기계기술 교류는 국내의 취약한 기계 기반기술을 고도화 시키고 부가가치가 큰 첨단 기계기술 분야를 국내 토착화 시킬 수 있는 좋은 기회로서 국내 기술계의 역량을 모아 합심해서 대처해야 할 것이다.

• Public Diplomacy: Theory and Practice
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.21-42
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• 2023

Objective: To understand the contents and effects of public diplomacy by leaders, this paper throws out two questions: "To draw cooperation and support of international society in the middle of national crises, with what content do leaders conduct public diplomacy?" and "Through what mechanism, does leaders' public diplomacy promote cooperation and support of other countries?" Methods: To answer the research questions, this paper conducts a single case study with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's public diplomacy in the Russia-Ukraine war in 2022. More specifically, the author collects text from Zelesky's Twitter and analyzes it in a descriptive manner. Results: When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, President Zelensky proactively utilized his SNS to communicate with people in other countries and thereby achieved the desired effect of public diplomacy. He has been delivering messages of 'appreciation of cooperation and support', 'situation of Ukraine', and 'congratulations or condolences', which could augment support, credibility, and audience cost. Conclusion: The effects of public diplomacy led to enhanced cooperation by alleviating problems within international cooperation and support. However, in the case of Ukraine, the patron's dilemma and commitment problem lasted, from which conducting public diplomacy has not been proven to be enough. The result of this paper provides lessons for the public diplomacy of the Republic of Korea in times of national crises in the future. In this regard, leaders should make efforts to promote the effectiveness of public diplomacy even in times of peace.