• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.71-106
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• 2016

This study analyzes the current work of the traditional theater around 'Back Parkcheomji(season2)' of theatre troupe 'Saninomou'. 'Back Parkcheomji(season2)' has proved that it is possible modernization while at the same time preserving the traditional theater. As a result, 'Back Parkcheomji(season2)' regained the spirit of contemporary social criticism and reality inherent in Kokdugaksinorum. The performance are beyond the traditional production method, which has created a new performance aspects. 'Back Parkcheomji(season2)' has created the puppets like this 'Kimga' 'Seweolho' 'Ryukbang' 'Chourani'. Traditional and creative dolls has criticized our modern society at the same stage. On the other hand, plays such as tightrope, Pungmul, Burna confirmed the spirit of Namsadangpae, and gave a dramatic fun. 'Back Parkcheomji(season2)' has dual stage. The dual stage will produce a magnificent spectacle, and has provided a variety of attractions. 'Back Parkcheomji(season2)' re-created the traditional theater of Namsadangpae in vivid contemporary version. The performance has made the opportunity to think again about the value of classical and allowed to recognize the new phase of classical theater.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.163-204
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• 2010

"Nectar of Immortality", also known as Suryukwha, is a painting which is hung on the wall during Suryukjae, a rite to console the spirits residing on both land and water. The Suryukwha at Bonyung Temple in the Ming Dynasty consisted of 139 scrolls depicting separate scenes. In Korea, however, Nectar of Immortality combines all the scenes into one large painting. The lower part of Nectar of Immortality describes pain, disasters, and the frailty of human life in this world. This is intended to inspire people to embrace Buddhism and be delivered from their worldly existence. However, it reflects the social realities of that time as well. The scenes at the bottom of the painting of nomadic troupes of entertainers and their performances are part of this reflection. In this section, various scenes of traditional Korean performance are illustrated, such as double and single tightrope walking, Sotdaetagi (performing atop a pole), Ssangjulbaegi (one form of Sotdaetagi), tumbling, bell juggling, mask dramas, dish spinning, puppet shows, the dance of Sadang, and sword dancing. Among these performances, some, such as Sotdaetagi, Ssangjulbaegi, double tightrope walking, bell juggling and sword dancing (Punggakjaengipae), have since ceased to exist. The troupes of entertainers depicted in Nectar of Immortality are Sadangpae, Namsadangpae, Sotdaejaengipae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae, Gutjungpae, and circus troupes. When, after itinerant lives, these entertainers die, they become forlorn wandering spirits with no descendants to perform their memorial services. The entertainers in the performance scenes are the embodiment of souls who are the subjects of salvation through Suryukjae. Among these entertainers, Sotdaejaengipae, Sadangpae, Choranipae, Punggakjaenipae and Gutjungpae no longer exist. In sum, Nectar of Immortality provides insight into the vanished content of numerous historic forms of performance and the activities of nomadic troupes of entertainers.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.4-19
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• 2012

There remain many royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty in Gaeseong and Ganghwa. During the Goryeo Dynasty, these royal tombs were taken over tradition of tomb construction style from previous generation, and they completed their own inventive style. Furthermore they handed down those style to the Joseon Dynasty. The area of tomb was divided into 3 or 4 steps, and stone figures and T-shaped houses for sacrifice were arranged on each steps. It was the stone chamber of lateral opening style which had an entrance to southward, and it was formed as a rectangular box-shaped with a pile of stone walls and a flat ceiling. There was a coffin stand in the middle of floor, and traditional bricks were around them. The wall side and ceiling had been whitewashed and painted pictures. These are general characteristics for the tomb construction style of the Goryeo Dynasty. By the way, we can notice a number of features except those general things with inspection in detail. In early days, we confirmed 1step-parallel fulcrum ceiling, coffin stand of all in one stone, bier of burial artifact, and mural of plant material as a set, but they were changed as flat ceiling, Red-stone wall with rectangular stone, coffin stand set as stone pillar through the period of transitional form as of in the late 12th century. In case of several royal tombs, the fragments of king's epitaph which were confirmed from tombs could be defined owners clearly, and there were considerable timing difference between the large numbers of celadons which were excavated with the fragments of king's epitaph and recording chronologically of stone chamber structure. The reason for timing difference is that posterity artifacts were buried through repairing courses by occasion of destruction caused by robbing of the royal tombs. Meanwhile I inferred the existing hypothesis about owners of royal tombs and autonym ones in comparison the burial spot direction of hypothesis ones and outcomes of excavation. Therethrough, some hypothesis about owners of royal tombs such as Myung-neung which was assumed as tomb of the King Choongmok were not correct.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.42-55
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• 2011

The basic approach of this study was to take the theory of cultural fluctuations to investigate the early modern and modern patterns of the use of ox carts and@ the social and economic appropriateness and cultural significance of ox carts. The study chose a village that was the only place that used ox carts in Bugye-myeon. The findings will help to understand how traditional cultural elements would continue or change according to the natural, geographical, economical, and cultural characteristics of a village. Located in Gaho-2-ri, Bugye-myeon, Gunwi-gun, Gyeongbuk Province, Dongrim Village started to use ox carts during the Japanese rule and replaced the traditional version with an improved one in 1972 when a reservoir was built. Until the 1970s, they used ox carts to carry agricultural products and luggage and to visit the markets in distant Bugye-myeon or Gunwi-eup. In the early 1980s when a cultivator was first introduced into the village, ox carts gradually disappeared in the village and eventually remained as a mere means of transportation. As the younger generations were active in introducing modern means of transportation, a cultivator became the main means of transportation in the village in the 1980s and a truck since the latter half of the 1990s. Despite those changes, however, the elderly in their seventies or older continued to use ox carts. With aged labor and inability to use modern means of transportation, they grew cows and oxen to cultivate the inclined fields and gain easy access to fields distributed in distant locations and continued to ox carts through reform. In Dongrim Village, the heritage of using reformed ox carts is the practice of appropriate technology by the old farmers and a cultural representation of an aged agricultural society. That is, the elderly recognized the appropriateness and practicality of traditional culture and renewed a traditional means of transportation called an ox cart. The phenomenon of the old men and women frequently using ox carts in an agricultural village in the mountain with geographical limitations has settled down as a cultural representation of the elderly in Dongrim Village. The continuing usage of ox carts in Dongrim Village is attributed to the fact that ox carts well suit the natural, geographical, and economic aspects of the village and the cultural inertia of the elderly with the aging of the farmers. Thus it is once again shown that human beings transmit and alter culture according to their overall situations and conditions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.66-83
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• 2018

This article focuses how the materials of hatstrings of the 19th to 20th century gat, the Korean top hat for men among the collections of National Folk Museum of Korea, was transformed after port opening treaties with overseas since 1876. As a result of analyzing the materials of the hatstrings, amber, tortoiseshell, wood and bamboo as the traditional materials were used, and ivory, glass (soda glass, lead glass, alkali mixed glass) and plastics (cellulose nitrate, phenol-formaldehyde, polystyrene, acryl) were newly used for the hatstrings. Bamboo, wood and amber were the most frequently used materials. Bamboo was mainly used for the pipe of hatstring and were combined with beads and central decorations of other materials. This shows the trend of bamboo hatstring according to the simplification of the clothing and the culture by Regent Heungseon Daewongun. Ambers were used in the central decorations and beads and the origin of ambers was baltic amber just like the amber relics found in Korea. Compositions of glass were soda glass and alkali mixed glass which were excavated or handed down in Korea from ancient times to Joseon dynasty. But in the case of lead glass, Na2O was detected and it is considered to be a new type lead glass for crafts which came from overseas after port opening since 1876 because it showed the characteristic that it deviates from the lead glass component found in Korea. Plastics such as cellulose nitrate and phenol-formaldehyde were used as new synthetic materials to replace traditional materials such as tortoiseshell, amber, and coral as in the West. Cracks, crazing, crumbly and yellowing of cellulose nitrate of hatstrings were observed by deterioration. The survey of the materials of the 19th to 20th century hatstrings among the collections of National Folk Museum of Korea showed that the introduction of new materials such as glass and plastics were used to replace natural materials such as tortoiseshell and amber along with the use of traditional materials after port opening since 1876.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.142-157
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• 2015

This study examines how traditional knowledge functions in the specific techniques to make pottery in terms of the traditional knowledge on the pottery techniques of Onggi potters. It focuses on how traditional pottery manufacturing skills are categorized and what aspects are observed with regard to the techniques. The pottery manufacturing process is divided into the preparation step of raw material, the molding step of pottery, and the final plasticity step. Each step involves unique traditional knowledge. The preparation step mainly comprises the knowledge on different kinds of mud. The knowledge is about the colors and properties of mud, the information on the regional distribution of quality mud, and the techniques to optimize mud for pottery manufacturing. The molding step mainly involves the structure and shape of spinning wheels, the techniques to accumulate mud, ways to use different kinds of tools, the techniques to dry processed pottery. The plasticity step involves the knowledge on kilns and the scheme to build kilns, the skills to stack pottery inside of the kilns, the knowledge on firewood and efficient ways of wood burning, the discrimination of different kinds of fire and the techniques to stoke the kilns. These different kinds of knowledge may be roughly divided into three categories : the preparation of raw material, molding, and plasticity. They are closely connected with one another, which is because it becomes difficult to manufacture quality pottery even with only one incorrect factor. The contents of knowledge involved in the manufacturing process of pottery focused are mainly about raw material, color, shape, distribution aspect, fusion point, durability, physical property, etc, which are all about science. They are rather obtained through the experimental learning process of apprenticeship, not through the official education. It is not easy to categorize the knowledge involved. Most of the knowledge can be understood in the category of ethnoscience. In terms of the UNESCO world heritage of intangible cultural assets, the knowledge is mainly about 'the knowledge on nature and universe'. Unique knowledge and skills are, however, identified in the molding step. They can be referred to 'body techniques', which unify the physical stance of potters, tools they employ, and the conceived pottery. Potters themselves find it difficult to articulate the knowledge. In case stated, it cannot be easily understood without the experience and knowledge on the field. From the preparation of raw material to the complete products, the techniques and traditional knowledge involved in the process of manufacturing pottery are closely connected, employing numerous categories and levels. Such an aspect can be referred to as a 'techniques chain'. Here the techniques mean not only the scientific techniques but also, in addition to the skills, the knowledge of various techniques and levels including habitual, unconscious behaviors of potters.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.3
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• pp.56-73
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• 2019

This paper aims to establish the technical style of roof tiles by analyzing East Asian roof tile making techniques. It will examine the existing main research data, such as excavation results and the subsequent analysis of the roof tiles' production traces, as well as references and transmitted techniques. Regions are grouped according to technical similarity, then grouped again by artistic styles of pattern and shape and by the technical styles of tools, procedures, and manpower plans. Accordingly, intends to find out whether an understanding of technical style can facilitate an understanding of not only cultural aspects, but also the causality of techniques. Korean, Chinese and Japanese tools were examined, and procedures for making roof tiles were classified into 4 groups. In a superficial way, China, Okinawa, Korea, and Honshu share similar technical traits. Research of procedural details and manpower plans revealed characteristics of each region. As a result, comparisons were made between each region's technical characteristics attempting to investigate their causes. The groups were classified according to their possessing techniques, but it was revealed that East Asia's shared production techniques were based on architectural methodss. The skill of "Pyeon Jeol(Clay Cutting)" classified according to its possessing techniques, turned out to be one such technique. Also, the procedure of technical localization based on the skill of "Ta-nal(Tapping)" showed that the condition of this technique was the power to localize in response to a transfer of techniques. Previous comparison parameters of artifacts would have been a similarity of style originated from exchanges between regions and stylistic characteristics of regions decided by the demander's taste of beauty. This methodology enlarges cultural perception and affords a positive basis of historical facts. However, it suggests the possibility of finding cultural aspects' origins by understanding the technical style and seeing same result in view of "technology culture."

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.43-107
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• 2005

A ritual ceremony accompanied by a song and dance is called as Kagura in Japan. The word Kagura is originally derived from Kamukura, which means the place where spirits reside. However, later it came to refer to the whole process of the ritual ceremony itself. Through the field studies, this paper examines Takachiho-kagura, helded in Takachiho, known as the village of myths, located in northern Miyazaki-ken in Japan. Kagura takes place all night through in each and every village in Takachiho and it normally runs from the end of November when the harvest season ends until early February the next year. One ordinary house is especially chosen for this ceremony, in which Kagura performs 33 repertoires. Takachiho-kagura is sometimes called as Yokagura, since the performance takes place over-night. A song and dance is performed by ordinary village people called hoshyadong, who inherited Takachiho-kagura. Currently, the ceremony is held in more than 20 villages and designated by the government as "Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property" in Japan. Takachiho-kagura follows the example of rituals held in Sada shrine in Izumo, which is now eastern Hiroshima-ken. It is the dance using a bell, a sword, a fan, which signify Norimono and is usually combined with mask-play called as Shinno. From the shrine of village, itwelcomes the gods who defense their village, called Ujikami and other 8 million gods, called Yaoyorozunokami, in Kagurayado, where Kagura of 33 repertoires is played in order. Kagura starts from dances for attendance of the gods, Hikomai, Daidono, Kamioroshi, performs dances of Amanoiwato, the gate of heaven's cave in Japanese myths, Dazikara, Uzume, Dotori, and continues dances for the old ghosts Shibahiki, Yatsubachi mixed with acrobatics. Finally, this performance ends with dances to send off the gods, Hinomae, Gurioroshi, Gumooroshi, until the dawn the next morning. This paper explores Takachiho-kagura from the perspective of folk performance with ethnography. These days, ecstasy and oracle do not happen in Takachiho-kagura. However, it kept the old form of folk performance as Kagura held in ordinary house. Especially, in Takachiho, remarkable venue of the Japanese myths, Takachiho-kagura is developed artistically. The first field study was held in Gokamura, Iwato-zone and Ashakabe, Mitai-zone between December 6th and December 12th 1997. Afterwards, the second field study was conducted in the area of Shiba and Ashakabe from December 17th until December 19th 1997 and from December 1st until December 10th 2000.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.198-215
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• 2020

Official development assistance refers to assistance provided by governments and other public institutions in donor countries, aimed at promoting economic development and social welfare in developing countries. The purpose of this research is to examine the construction process of the "Myanmar Cultural Heritage Management System" that is underway as part of the ODA project to strengthen cultural and artistic capabilities and analyze the achievements and challenges of the Digital Cultural Heritage ODA. The digital cultural heritage management system is intended to achieve the permanent preservation and sustainable utilization of tangible and intangible cultural heritage materials. Cultural heritage can be stored in digital archives, newly approached using computer analysis technology, and information can be used in multiple dimensions. First, the Digital Cultural Heritage ODA was able to permanently preserve cultural heritage content that urgently needed digitalization by overcoming and documenting the "risk" associated with cultural heritage under threat of being extinguished, damaged, degraded, or distorted in Myanmar. Second, information on Myanmar's cultural heritage can be systematically managed and used in many ways through linkages between materials. Third, cultural maps can be implemented that are based on accurate geographical location information as to where cultural heritage is located or inherited. Various items of cultural heritage were collectively and intensively visualized to maximize utility and convenience for academic, policy, and practical purposes. Fourth, we were able to overcome the one-sided limitations of cultural ODA in relations between donor and recipient countries. Fifth, the capacity building program run by officials in charge of the beneficiary country, which could be the most important form of sustainable development in the cultural ODA, was operated together. Sixth, there is an implication that it is an ODA that can be relatively smooth and non-face-to-face in nature, without requiring the movement of manpower between countries during the current global pandemic. However, the following tasks remain to be solved through active discussion and deliberation in the future. First, the content of the data uploaded to the system should be verified. Second, to preserve digital cultural heritage, it must be protected from various threats. For example, it is necessary to train local experts to prepare for errors caused by computer viruses, stored data, or operating systems. Third, due to the nature of the rapidly changing environment of computer technology, measures should also be discussed to address the problems that tend to follow when new versions and programs are developed after the end of the ODA project, or when developers have not continued to manage their programs. Fourth, since the classification system criteria and decisions regarding whether the data will be disclosed or not are set according to Myanmar's political judgment, it is necessary to let the beneficiary country understand the ultimate purpose of the cultural ODA project.