• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.4
• /
• pp.150-169
• /
• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
• /
• v.16 no.3
• /
• pp.1-25
• /
• 2004

This study analyzes the external forms of the household textbooks and also the contents of them used at girls' middleㆍhigh schools during the period of Japanese ruling over Korea. To this end, 8 household textbooks published from 1928 to 1937 were analyzed. The results of the study are summarized as follows. 1. The household subject had become the one of the most important subjects to girl students as the practical uses were emphasized in educational area during the period. As a result. the classes of the household were the second in hours, following the class of Japanese (the national language) to girl students. 2. The contents of the household textbooks were intended to contain 'the modern' and 'the newest'. The students were also suggested to apply the contents of the textbooks to real home life. Many pictures, photos and illustrations were included in household textbooks to help students to understand the contents of the subject. 3. The purposes of the household class were the reformation of the living conditions and home economics. 4. The external characteristics of the household textbooks during the period were as follows. - Written in Japanese vertically and the size of the textbook was A5 (150/210) with pulp paper of good quality - The type style of the body of the textbooks was Ming-style type- The sequent order of the textbooks was the outer cover, the title page, pictorial, introduction, table of contents, the body, appendix and the back cover. 5. The household textbooks consisted of the first volume and the second volume. The first volume contained clothing and textiles, food and nutrition and housing. Taking care of the aged. nursing. child care, household economy and home management were included in the second volume. 6. The household textbooks were designed to make women the housewives.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.52 no.1
• /
• pp.64-81
• /
• 2019

Jeju Island is located at a strategic position, making it an important waypoint on the sea routes of East Asia. As a result, the island suffered many foreign invasions throughout history. Especially, it is widely known that Japanese pirates frequently invaded the island as the island was located on their way as they were sailing to China. Therefore, they built various defensive structures across the island. Fortresses, where a small number of defenders may fend off an enemy, were built in multiple places on the island. This was a strategy for the island to defend itself, as it was almost impossible to get prompt support in an emergency from the mainland due to the long distance. Fortresses, or walled cities, were the center of politics, culture, and economy of many areas. Therefore, they are a valuable resource to study the history and geographical characteristics of a place. For this reason, studies on fortresses started quite early on. However, studies on such relics in Jeju Island began very late. The research on fortresses was launched during the Japanese occupation for most mainland areas. However, studies on the relics on Jeju Island began as late as the 1970s. This was because scholars did not understand the importance of the city walls and fortresses on Jeju Island, and there were no researchers who specialized in city walls or fortresses on the island, as well. As archeological research on Jeju Island began to gain momentum, the studies on city walls and fortresses saw progress; however, these studies are still of an elementary level. In this study, the author summarized the status of studies on the city walls and fortress relics in Jeju Island and their preservation/maintenance status by era. According to the findings of this study, there were two Corean-era city wall/fortress relics and thirteen from the Chosun era., The researcher analyzed and presented the status of studies and the current condition of the relics. The status of attached structures was also documented.Furthermore, a short review of the maintenance work performed so far was provided. Also, the researcher mentioned the problems that accompanied the maintenance process of these relics, along with suggestions for improvement that could be referred to in future restoration/maintenance projects.

• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
• /
• v.43 no.2
• /
• pp.30.1-30.1
• /
• 2018

일제 강점기를 지난 후 광복을 맞았지만, 전란의 폐허 속에 개설된 대학의 천문학과의 관측 시설들은 전문한 상태였다. 필자가 학부 재학 중이던 6-70년대까지도 시 시공(時空)의 흐름은 필요한 것을 직접 만들어 사용할 수밖에 없는 시대로 몰아가고 있었다. 당시를 회고 하며 지금까지 걸어 온 "천문기기 제작 연구의 삶"을 회고하고자 한다. 대학 재학 시절 교수님의 도움으로 막스토브 망원경을 제작하고, 40cm 카세그레인 망원경 등 광학계의 원리와 특성연구를 통해 부품 조립을 수행할 수 있었다. 태양 흑점관측을 위한 10cm 굴절 망원경의 투영시설을 고안하여 6개월 동안 관측하였지만. 석사 논문을 위해 광전측광 관측시스템을 제작하여 식쌍성 관측을 수행하였다. 그 결과 한국의 시설로 UBV 광도곡선 완성하여 1975년 가을 천문학회에서 발표하였다. 1976년 2월 국립천문대 천문계산연구실에 발령 받고 역서편찬 업무를 담당하면서 소백산 60cm 망원경 최종 설치를 끝내고, 천문대(현 역삼동 과총회관 빌딩) 옥상에 2m 규모의 목재 돔을 설계 제작하고 일반인들을 위한 대중천문 활동을 시작하였다. 재직 중에 항상 한국의 열악한 천문시설의 상황을 실감하고 20대를 마감하면서 퇴직하여 "한국천문기기 연구소"라는 명칭으로 천체 돔을 설계하고, 돔 제작기계를 개발하였다. 망원경만 보관 중인 국내 4개 대학에 돔을 납품 한 후 연세대학교 천문대의 직경 6m 스텐레스 돔을 제작하였다. 아울러 연세대 천문대 60cm망원경을 설치하면서 이 곳에 입사하여 관측 장비개발 연구와 관측에 전념하게 되었다. 재직 기간 중 대학의 배려로 카나다 국립천문대(DAO) 방문연구원으로 1.8m 망원경으로 식쌍성들의 분광관측을 수행하여 시선속도곡선을 완성하였고, 체류 중에 스텝들과 국내에서 사용할 60cm용 첨단 분광기를 설계하였으나 대학에 재원이 없어 제작을 못한 아쉬움이 남는다. 1989년 2월 충북대학교 천문우주학과에 부임하면서 열악한 상황이지만 교육과 연구 장비로 20cm와 35cm 소형 망원경의 디지털 광전측광시스템으로 간이 천문대를 설치하여 운영하였다. 학과 설립 10 주년(1998년)을 맞아 40cm 망원경과 6m 돔을 설치하여 교내천문대가 완공되었다. 2000년이 되면서 대중 천문활동 을 위해 이동 천문대를 제작하여 4륜 자동차에 견인하여 여러 지역을 찾아 관측과 강연 활동 등 학과의 대중천문 활동의 특성을 살리는 계기를 만들게 되었다. 학과 설립 20주년(2008년)을 맞으면서 충북 진천에 16개 자동분할 개폐식 스릿의 9m 돔 안에 1m 망원경을 원격관측 시설을 완비하여 대학 본부의 기관으로 충북대학교천문대를 개관하고 관측시설을 완비하였다. 우리의 전통적인 세종시대 천문시설은 당대 최대의 시설이지만 당시 유물들이 모두 소실되어 현존하는 것이 하나도 없음은 실로 아쉬움이 큰 것이었다. 누군가는 그 구조, 형태, 원리, 기능, 사용방법 등을 밝히고 복원을 시도해야 할 시급함이 있었다. 문헌을 통해 1991년부터 학부졸업 논문으로 "고천문 의기(儀器) 복원연구" 분야의 발표를 시작하였다. 그 결과를 통해 세종탄신일에 영릉에서 숭모제 행사 후 그 곳에서 수년간 세종시대 고천문의기 한가지씩 작동모델을 복원하여 제막식을 거행하였다, 유물복원 회사 (주)옛기술과 문화 와 함께 팀을 이루어 매년 제작할 종목을 준비하게 되었다. 간의(簡儀)를 복원한 후에는 일성정시의, 소간의, 앙부일구, 정남일구, 석각천문도, 혼천의, 혼상, 각종 해시계 등 매년 지속적으로 복원되어 큰 규모의 야외 전시장이 완성되었다. 작동모델 설계연구팀의 자문과 제작팀과의 팀웍으로 이룬 성과인 것이다. 한번 시작품이 발표된 모델들은 국내 과학관과 박물관, 천문관에서 후속 모델을 설치하였다. 한국천문연구원과 부산 동래읍성 내에 장영실 과학 동산은 간의와 혼상을 비롯한 각종 해시계들을 설치한 큰 규모의 야외 전시장이다. 조선의 명망 높은 유학자들이 인격적인 하늘을 살펴보았던 혼천의와 일만원권에 그려 있는 국보 230호 자명종 혼천시계(일만원권의 그림)의 작동 모델을 제작하였다. 이와 같은 연구 결과들은 석사과정 박사과정을 통하여 더 심층적인 연구들이 발표되었고, 각종 조선(한국)의 천문의기(天文儀器) 연구 자료들은 연구팀들을 통해 중국과 일본 등 해외에서도 발표되었다. 지금까지 복원된 유물들이 완성되기까지는 참여한 많은 연구원들과 제작팀들이 합심하여 각자의 역할을 수행하여 최종 작동모델들이 하나 둘 완성되는 것이었다. 이것은 참으로 보람된 일이었고, 은퇴 후 지금은 재능기부자로서 즐거운 삶을 이어 갈수 있게 되었다.

• Journal of Ethics
• /
• no.88
• /
• pp.103-122
• /
• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.35 no.2
• /
• pp.26-44
• /
• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• Journal of Korean Society of Occupational and Environmental Hygiene
• /
• v.8 no.2
• /
• pp.242-253
• /
• 1998

South Korea has been producing asbestos over 60 years. The use of asbestos was over 50 years for production of asbestos slate and 27 years for asbestos friction materials including asbestos textile and brake-lining. Thus, it can be supposed that asbestos related diseases such as asbestosis, lung cancer and mesothelioma could be found in the vulnerable workers exposed to asbestos in 1955-1975, given the average latency period of 10-30 years. Asbestos was produced primarily by Japanese during World War II In Korea. The production of chrysotile peaked to 4,815 tons in 1944. From 1978 to 1984, 10,000 tons of asbestos were produced annually. However, the production was interrupted by raising labor costs and extinction of mine reserves, and finally they had to depend on import for the need of asbestos. In 1945, there were 16 asbestos mines, in total, with the addition of new asbestos mines in South Korea. Imports of asbestos was increased from 74,000 tons to 95,000 tons during the period of 1976 - 1992. But the imports was reduced to 88,000 tons in 1995. Since, in addition to the import of asbestos itself, the imports of asbestos products were increased as well and the accumulation of asbestos reached to 30,000 tons during the period of 1964 to 1993. In 1965, there was only one asbestos company with 207 employees. But the size of asbestos industry has been expanded so much that 118 asbestos companies could be found in 1993 with 1,476 workers. However, there was no record on the survey of asbestos concentration to which workers were exposed in any companies in 1983. The record of the air-borne concentration of the asbestos in textile working places in 1984 showed 6.7 fibers/cc by geometric mean(GM), but it was reduced to 1.2 fibers/cc in 1993. GMs of asbestos in working places for construction materials and asbestos textiles were also decreased from 1.7 fibers/cc to 0.55 fibers/cc during the period of 1984 - 1996.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.37 no.2
• /
• pp.40-53
• /
• 2019

This study was conducted to investigate the changes in Scenic Spots by utilizing the "Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam(朝鮮?與勝覽)" to interpret "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon(朝鮮名勝詩選, 1915)". By examining the historical context when "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon" was published, it documented the Japanese's memories of 'Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭)' in 1894, which implies the 'policy of assimilation' by the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the Japanese annexation of Korea(1910). Detailed information about the author 'Narushima Sagimura(成島鷺村)' can be found in preface. In the "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon", it dedicates most of the part in describing the Scenic Spot especially in 'Anseong Do (15 lines)', where has the memories of war such as the 'First Sino-Japanese War'. The number of Scenic Spots, commonly mentioned in both "Sinjeungdonggukyeoji seungram" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam" in Cheonan province are 13 in total. Most of the content contains a similar structure. But 'Honggyeongwon(弘慶院)' and 'Seonghwanyeok(成歡驛)' has both the common Joseon Dynasty landscape point of view, and the additional historical context which are about the 'Jeongyujaeran(丁酉再亂)' or 'First Sino-Japanese War' consequently enlightens the 'placeness' of the Scenic Spots. Among the newly described Scenic Spots, 'Anseongdo(安城渡)' is the part that focuses on the memory of the 'Anseongcheon Battle' that gave Japan its first defeat in the Sino-Japanese War. Especially, by introducing the poetry of 'Sinobu Shunpei' it maximizes the appreciation through emphasizing the direct correlation between placeness and the poem itself. While the Joseon Dynasty poems are 10 pieces in total and their title and the subject matters are all related to historical spots, and the appreciation also maximizes when fully interpreted with understanding the historical context. However, it's contextual meanings are neglected by dividing the actual structures into separate pages. When looking at the location of famous historic sites, they come in many different types, considering the location, meaning, size, and conditions surrounding them. It appears as a service space for travelers, a place for sightseeing, relaxation or return, a temple space for paying respects or memorial services, a fortress facility for defense and protection, or a fishing area for wages, and an old battlefield. Especially, it is noted that the area is diverse as the cultural landscape of Cheonan, given that the battle space between the hermitage and the Donghangnongmin(東學農民) is shared with each other. It is necessary to establish policies for the preservation and restoration of local cultural assets based on these points in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.148-173
• /
• 2012

The rear garden in Donggwol Palace which shared with the Changdeok Palace and the Changgyeong Palace is the salient places of technology and idea reflected the phases of the times of the Joseon Dynasty, so it is certainly one of the best Korean garden cultures. The rear garden in Donggwol which was not only the secret garden for the rest of royal family but also used as symbolic places for the various ceremonies and training its human resources has been considerably destroyed through the period of Japanese colonial rule. Thus the rear garden areas at north of Changkyung Palace were entirely transformed and a few territory from Juhabru(宙合樓) to Ongnyucheon(玉流川) keep up its surviving as the rear garden. The area of Jondeokjeong(尊德亭) which become subject on this studies from among these was constructed as flower garden after development of Ongnyucheon. The areas of Simchujeong(深秋亭), Cheoknoedang(滌惱堂), Pyemwoosa(?愚?), Mangchunjeong(望春亭), Chunhyagak(天香閣), Chungsimjeong(淸心亭) around Jondeokjeong, were situated among the beautiful scenery with the flowers and ponds. But there are only Jondeokjeong and Pyemwoosa at this moment, and the other pavilions was destroyed and transformed. For these reasons, in this studies, the formative purposes were investigated through analysing water elements, planting, ornaments and so on. According to these reasons, historical records and realities of garden construction of five pavilions : Simchujeong, Mangchunjeong, Cheoknoedang, Chunhyagak, Chungyeongak(淸燕閣) were considered to give authenticity to the restoration and reorganization as well as to accumulate basic knowledge about the conservation of environment surrounded garden architectures. These pavilions appeared at Gunggwolgi(宮闕志) and Joseonwangzosilok(朝鮮王朝實), but their names were not appeared at Donggwoldo(東闕圖). So they were ascertained through all of literatures on Donggwol Palace. Cheoknoedang and Simchujeong among these buildings could be found out as the existed buildings and the uncertain building at the northwest of Jondeokjeong was estimated as the name to Chunhyagak or Mangchunjeong. And the hypothesis that the wall surrounding Taichungmoon(太淸門) should be belong to Chungyeongak was supported. In addition, the area which did not known in connection with name and use on northeast at the Changdeok Palace, and had regarded as an impasses in the studies of Donggwoldo and the rear garden in Donggwol Palace, but the historical records of using by Yeonsangun(燕山君) and Sukjong(肅宗) were discovered at this study. And it could be uncovered that the obscure spatial space was a separate house only for king and he enjoyed play there unnoticing to others belong to palace.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
• /
• v.96
• /
• pp.209-223
• /
• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.