• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.139-177
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• 2022

The only text that aids in the understanding of Songs of the Dao of Great Gods (大化神道歌詞), which was established by Yun Jin in 1984, is Mok-wun daegyeong (木運大經, The Great Scripture of Wood-Destiny) published by Oh Yeol-gyun in 1976. This scripture includes five songs: Wun-hoe dongbang-ga (運回東方歌, Songs of Destiny-Returning to the East), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌, Songs of Gung-eul), Dodeok-sa (道德詞, Morality Poems), Palguae-gugung byeon-yeok-ga (八卦九宮變易歌, Songs on the Changes of the Eight Trigrams and Nine Palaces), and Nakdang-ga (樂堂歌, Songs of the Paradisiacal Lands). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, which is prone to embracing Daoist characteristics, is meant to be sung upon the realization of the Later World, the ideal earth. This is expressed as spring. In addition, we can easily find key terms such as Sampung-ga (三豊歌), Yangbaek-segye (兩白世界), Gung-eul-ga (弓乙歌), Gunggung-euleul (弓弓乙乙), Yanggung (兩弓), Euleul (乙乙), Gung-eul seonin (弓乙仙人), Samin-ilseok (三人一夕), Yijae-jeonjeon (利在田田), Gung-eul jiri (弓乙之理), Naenggeum-bugeum (冷金浮金), Seokjeong-gon (石井昆), Yangbaek (兩白), Sampung (三豊), and Sodumujok (小頭無足), all of which appear frequently in traditional prophecies and the faiths they have inspired. The precise meaning of these terms has yet to be revealed. Furthermore, Songs of the Dao of Great Gods contains lyrics prophesying that the return of the wood-destiny of the East and emphasizing the destiny of 3-8 wood as based on the Yellow River Chart (河圖). Songs of the Dao of Great Gods, originated the term, the World of Paradisiacal Lands (樂堂世界), and prophesyed that the wood-destiny of the East would return to create a new world that took Korea as its center. The text emphasized wood-destiny, symbolized by spring, and argued that the Dao of Great Gods could be ascetained from the principle of water-producing wood (水生木) found in the Eastern study of changes (易學) as approached by Choi Su-Wun (水雲), the founder of Donghak (東學).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.247-275
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• 2019

We hope that more diverse interests will arise in the novels by Park Gye-hyeong By looking at writers and works in time, we identified the key element of Park Gye-hyeong's novels as 'romantic'. Romantic nature of this time is lyrical, sentimental, spiritual, unrealistic and idealistic. Based on a romantic understanding of the world, the core sanction of the novel is love, focusing on feelings of sadness, and on the aspects of joy, separation, and pain that arise from loving relationships rather than the aspects of joy. Based on the feelings of grief, the novels end with failure, death and betrayal, thus embodying tragic romanticism. Before her marriage, Park Gye-hyeong's novels were love stories that revealed her longing for beautiful love based on sensibility. The idyllic world and longing for nature reveal a romantic world-view. Ultimately, it is a fictional worldview that the author seeks to despair and long for, and to find the sincerity and morality of love in an environment that does not. Park Gye-hyeong, who became a housewife, expressed that she wanted to write a piece that can give readers a sense of nostalgia by embodying "romance at a high level," not "sentimental." In subsequent works, physical relationships are treated as failures of love and spiritual relationships as the fruit of love, revealing the lofty spirituality, idealistic longing and religious nature of love. Park Gye-hyeong confessed her shame about her previous work when she published a new one after more than two decades of writing. And after more than two decades of reflection, her new novel had a new theme of "recovering destroyed humanity." However, the search for "humanity" in the two novels released after the write-off tends to be somewhat hasty at the end of the novel. The question of human nature, sin and forgiveness, is the next best thing to save as a way of life, rather than as a result of the intense inner agony and behavior of the characters within the narrative, and this also shows a sudden shift in religiousness at the end of the novel. Therefore, the romantic meaning of the superficial is superficial.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.88
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• pp.103-122
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• 2013

This paper aims to study on conceptual suitability or unfitness of Silhak(實學). It is general that by criticizing Chujahak(朱子學) or beyond the limitation of Seonglihak(性理學), Silhak has developed practical tendency to reforming the society in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty, related to the context of Korean national reflection in modern times. However, it is unfortunate to be understood. As presented in Chosenwangjosillok(『朝鮮王朝實錄』), there has been a few usages in the term 'Silhak'. In short, it was different from its contemporary meaning. At that time, it was usually used to have the meaning of Gyunghak(經學), compared to Sajanghak(詞章學), or rarely, of 'the true study' or 'the practical study'. Therefore, it is to claim that its conception has been manipulated or exaggerated very seriously. Since 1930s, in particular, its conception has been misused in interpreting works of Jung Yak-Yong by some scholars, such as Jung In-Bo, Moon Il-Pyung and An Jae-Hong, who tried to apply the term to overcome the Japanese colonial era symbolised as modernity based on the future life of Korea. Even though their attempt has led to have crucial discussions on the conceptions of Silhak, it has an unnecessary result that there has been a new and totally different understanding of Silhak in South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, etc., which means that the unsustainable conception of Silhak has been one of major problems in studying of Silhak. To give an practical solution, I would try to make sense of 'time spirit' whose scholars studied Silhak in the middle and end of Chosen Dynasty. A problem, however, is that a scholar group in the name of Bukhakpa(北學派) had certain links and bonds. This is because many scholars studying of Silhak were usually features out of the main stream, which made them it difficult to form any various groups. That is to say, it seems to be natural that they have dreamed of utopian imaginations less than of overlapping points in reality. To sum up, it would be concluded at least that any approach to human lives and thoughts in the given conceptions of Silhak, e.g. ethical thoughts of Silhak, enables us to be indifferentiated to take its true meaning and time spirit of Chosen Dynasty. To be disenchanted of its social roles in Chosen Dynasty, fundamentally, it should be escaped from the wrong net of illusions and sings in understanding Silhak in certain eclectic steps.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.143-191
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• 2019

This research argues that Pansori had patrons in its development. Patrons are commonly discussed aspect of history of any art form. Pansori is no exception. While Pansori originally began as the art of the common people, Yangban class became the primary audience. This paper examines the role of royal family of Choson dynasty in development of Pansori. Heungseon Daewongun (흥선대원군) in particular was a Pansori aficionado. The record around Daewongun's involvement to Pansori proves that heavy monetary investment was made. He hosted Pansori competitions and sponsored creation of Pansori tradition, Boseong Sori (보성소리) and Gangsanje (강산제). Also the aspect of Pansori patronage lies not just in Yangban class, but also in Jung'in class, which is roughly analoguous to European bourgeois in that they were not of Yangban class, but had gained monetary status, and had aesthetics of both Yangban and commoner class. I argue that Heungseon Daewongun's ties to the Jung'in class is reflected in his actions towards Pansori artists. The traditions he had sponsored have important characteristics, including sophisticated lyrics heavily utilizing Classical Chinese poetry, highly artistic musical composition, and conservative Confucian ethics. Those characteristics indicate that the Pansori traditions sponsored by the royal patrons have changed to cater to their artistic taste and philosophy. This paper conducts a textual comparative analysis between Gangsanje Pansori Jeokbyeokga (강산제 판소리 적벽가), Dongpyeonje's Pansori Jeokbyeokga (동편제 판소리 적벽가), and Seopyeonje Pansori Jeokbyeokga, who share the same plot yet offers a stark differences in tone, philosophy, and sense of humor. Daewongun was a primary sponsor of Pansori, which proves that Yangban class and the royal family have played important role as patrons of Pansori.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.81-113
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• 2011

This study investigates leisure activity, involvement and self-concept in cyberspace of various age groups of adolescents. A total of 1,388 students (elementary school=337, middle school=326, high school=361, university=364, consisting of 696 male and 692 female) participated in the study. The results are as follows. First, although the vast majority of adolescents (96.9%) had a computer at home, majority of adolescents visited Internet cafe. Second, 70.3% of adolescents visited Internet cafe to play Internet games, followed by engaging in information search, chatting, and participated in cyber community. Third, on average adolescents spent 5.43 hours per week playing Internet games, with more males playing Internet games than female adolescents. As for information search, the weekly average was 2.60 hours, with university students spending more time than the other groups. As for chatting, the weekly average was 1.69 hours, with no significant differences among the groups. The weekly average of Internet use was 9.65 hours, with older groups spending more time. The weekly average use of computer was 10.91 hours, with older groups spending more time and more males using more computer than females. Fourth, as for self-concept in cyberspace, elementary and middle school students reported that they had fun, while high school and university students reported that they were the same as in the regular daily life. In addition, adolescents reported that they spent leisure activity in cyberspace and they become a fictional character in cyberspace. Fifth, when they played Internet games, regardless of age and gender, adolescents reported that they had fun, followed by that they were absorbed, that they became aggressive, and that they were the same as in the regular daily life. Sixth, when they chatted on Internet, regardless of age and gender, adolescents reported that they had fun, followed by that they were not interested, that they were the same as in the regular daily life, and that they do not chat on Internet. Seventh, when they interacted with their friends on Internet, regardless of age and gender, majority of adolescents reported that they had fun, followed by that they conversed, that they were the same as in the regular daily life, and that they felt closer. These results indicate that Korean adolescents view Internet as a place to spend their leisure time and that they enjoyed spending time on Internet.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.255-262
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• 2023

In the early 20th century, Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe (念齋 宋泰會, 1872-1941), a disciple and onetime adopted son of teacher Song Su-myeon(宋修勉, 1847-1916), moved to Gochang and laid the foundation for Gochang calligraphy and painting, and it can be seen that a full-fledged flow began. Yeomjae Song Tae-hoe was a scholar and calligrapher of the late Joseon Dynasty and modern period from Hwasun, Jeollanam-do. He is a person who created the foundation of Gochang calligraphy and painting while working as an educator in Chinese literature, calligraphy, and painting, mainly in his hometown of Hwasun and Gochang, while engaging in creative activities. He was intelligent from a young age and showed an extraordinary talent for calligraphy. At the age of 16, he passed the Jinsa exam (童蒙進士) and became the youngest student to study at Sungkyunkwan. He was active by holding exhibitions nationwide based in Gochang and Jeonju, and was also an educator who fostered younger students by establishing Gochang High School (currently, Gochang Middle and High School) to cultivate national spirit and history. Yeomjae drew strong and healthy landscape paintings under the absolute influence of the painting style of Saho Song Su-myeon, and dealt with various materials of southern school literati paintings such as flowers and birds and four plants. In particular, he is a representative calligrapher who encompasses the early modern era and the modern era in that he expressed his interest in new cultural artifacts as well as the realization of a modern-oriented realistic landscape based on Korean natural beauty. He laid the foundation for modern and contemporary calligraphy and painting. Goam Lee Eung-no (顧菴 李應魯, 1904-1989), a world-renowned painter, learned the basics of ink painting from Yeomjae in his late teens.However, compared to his various artistic and social activities, it is regrettable that he is limited and evaluated as a local writer.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.241-279
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• 2023

The Scripture of Myriad Laws was first published in 1986 and then reprinted in 1994 and 1995. It gained widespread recognition as a mysterious text or a Buddhist document containing enigmatic content that deemed difficult to comprehend. Through the analysis of the content of The Scripture of Myriad Laws, it was revealed that the book was published by the Dragon Flower Order, a Jeungsanist religion founded by Seo Baek-Il (徐白一). Therefore, the various texts included in The Scripture of Myriad Laws can be classified as 'Songs of Jeungsanism' (Jeungsan-gyo Gasa 甑山敎歌辭). The contents included in The Scripture of Myriad Laws often mention terms unique to the Jeungsanist orders, such as 'the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth' (天地公事), 'presiding over cures' (醫統), 'Degree Number' (度數), 'the West God' (西神), 'the nobility of heaven' (天尊), 'the nobility of earth' (地尊), 'the nobility of humanity' (人尊), 'ruling the world for 50 years' (治天下五十年), and 'the era of Resolving Grievances (解冤時代).' It also discusses the birthplace and birth date of Kang Jeungsan, his family name, and the duration of his existence. The contents directly quote the words spoken by Jeungsan and incorporate them into songs. They also mention unique Jeungsan terms such as 'Five Immortals Playing Baduk' (五仙圍碁), 'open-weight wresting match,' 'birth, growth, harvest, and storage' (生長斂藏), 'the god who listens to words' (言聽神), 'pillar of foundation' (基礎棟樑),' 'Ocean Seal' (海印), and 'the higher gods' (上計神). It is also notable that some verses of Chinese poetry that Jeungsan taught his disciples are directly quoted in this scripture. Furthermore, the scripture shows traces of Buddhist salvational beliefs; particularly those that emphasize faith in Maitreya Bodhisattva (彌勒信仰). However, The Scripture of Myriad Laws differs from traditional Buddhist beliefs in that it anticipates and emphasizes the birth of a specific individual endowed with the power and abilities of Maitreya Buddha. While emphasizing Maitreya Buddha (彌勒世尊) and the Dragon Flower Gathering (龍華會上), the scripture also specifically mentions Geumsan-sa Temple (金山寺) located on Mount Moak (母岳山) in North Jeolla Province, and these details are sung about in a special manner. This positive portrayal serves to affirm the belief of followers that Jeungsan, centered around Geumsan-sa Temple, was an incarnation of Maitreya Buddha. Moreover, The Scripture of Myriad Laws subtly asserts that Seo Baek-il, the leader of the Dragon Flower Order, who is mentioned in the scripture, is the absolute savior who has come to this world in place of Jeungsan. In support of this teaching, his birth date, birthplace, years of imprisonment, release date, and honorific name (號) are all recorded in precise detail.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.203-239
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• 2023

Jo Jeongsan's religious activity undertaken to benefit society can be organized into two categories. First, attention can be paid to Jo Jeongsan's religious activity of establishing religious order by enshrining Kang Jeungsan as the God of Ninth Heaven and making the Great Dao of Heaven and Earth the basic idea inspiring the social activity of his order. This was completed through the 50 years of propagation work carried out by Jo Joengsan in accordance with Kang Jeungsa's purpose of saving the world and its inhabitants. Second, his practice of social work in the field of people's lives based on the idea of the Dao can also be observed. This religious activity of Jo Jeongsan which began in 1909 was the sacred manifestation of his will to realize Kang Jeungsan's purpose of saving the world and people, and it was also a practice of spreading virtue throughout the world. In addition, Park Wudang carried out Sihak and Sibeop Gongbu (two varieties of holy work) for the cultivation of Dao trainees, and those methods came from the systematic cultivation practice established by Jo Jeongsan. Regarding this, we can refer to Kang Jeungsan's saying, "As the Dao shall dwell in the 12,000 peaks of Geumgang Mountain, the same number of sages who were enlightened to the Dao will be born into the world." The perfected state of human maturity or the emergence of people who are enlightened to the Dao would be the completion of the idea of saving the world and its inhabitants. Therefore, the holy works of Sihak and Sibeop that are now being carried out can be seen as the continuance of the pursuit of saving the world and humankind, as it was continually upheld by Park Wudang's predecessors, Jo Jeongsan and Kang Jeungsan.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.65-101
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• 2010

By considering the final purpose and meaning of two fairy-tales, we can summarize two things. Firstly, a woman with father complex not only positive, but also negative can easily sacrifice her femininity and her own personality as an individual. A woman with father complex has to get out of father imago. By separating from father imago, she can make her own steps to realize her own personality, namely individuation. During normal development, detachment to instinct and archetypal contents can cause problems normally to the ego consciousness. Contrary to this developmental notion, women with father complex experience problems because they are too closely attached to father archetype. Therefore, continuous excessive identification of ego with father imago or a state of ego caught by father imago leads to death of her own personality. Some women intentionally attach to father imago in order to be powerful or to receive magical power of father archetype to make compensation to her inferiority and deficiency. Weak ego wants to be stronger and superior by intentional attachment to father imago. Then, she can succeed in some tasks in life. But These successes are not by her own effort, but by magical or superhuman power of father imago. During early childhood, young girl with weak ego strongly attaches to father imago to make success and achieve goals by magical power. She wants to compensate her weak ego. But the more her ego makes successes in real life with help of father imago, the more she loses her own character or personality. Ego can be strong enough only when it is detached or separated itself from father imago. In other side, there is a woman destined to realize request by the father imago. She is chosen by the collective unconscious, though she try to run away from dominant power. In this case, ego of selected woman is not weak. She is destined to be a heroine. She knows that she has to complete every task given to her to realize what father imago wants, and she will not own any of her products at all. She is a real or true heroine. She wants to avoid her destiny, but she can't and should not do it. Secondly, a woman with father complex is called for again to save father imago or to solve problems of father imago. In this case, father imago of a woman should be considered to be related to the collective conscious. Therefore, it is said that all women with father complex are invited for healing the society or the collective consciousness. To complete this request, she has to heal herself by recovering her femininity. The healing power is based on the maternal receptive capacity. In modern society, the women are always demanded to be a social being. These social demands can make women caught by father complex. In this sense, number of women with father complex are increasing. Through the understanding of two fairy-tales, increased number of women with father complex should be easily considered as events at personal level, but seriously considered as a phenomenon reflecting problems in the collective consciousness of our age. In the other hand, all women with father complex are invited to solve the problem of modern society. She will be able to realize her own individuation without being possessed by father imago, to save our society and to become a heroine of our age.