• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.37-83
• /
• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.19 no.1
• /
• pp.25-44
• /
• 2012

This study examined the relationship among perception on information, purpose of information use, and trust in government. It also identified different patterns of groups by their ideological inclination via a national survey on sample population over the age of twenty. The result showed the statistical significance of the relationship among information perception, purpose of information use, ideological inclination, and trust in government. The analysis result implies that the role of government should be readjusted in terms of publicness toward meta-data provider which is transparent and fair without any discrimination by individual difference and economic condition. This will increase the level of trust in government data and its utilization will be tied into the individual connectedness for social integration. The role of government as an information provider needs to establish the role of mediator which always keeps social rules and tracks down violators in a timely manner in the process of information production. With transparent information flow and fair game, the richness of information and a positive production environment will be created.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.49 no.3
• /
• pp.179-208
• /
• 2018

This study amis to analyze the levels of citizen inclusiveness in Korea by the 17 local government levels. Citizen inclusiveness was measured by donations, volunteering, and citizen perception indicators. This study adopted the ideal type method of fuzzyset analysis. We found that citizen inclusiveness was classified into 6 types: inclusive citizen type, inclusive citizen-oriented type, donation-oriented type, volunteering-oriented type, citizen perception-oriented type, and individual-oriented type. This study analyzed key features of these 6 ideal types of citizen inclusiveness. More research on citizen inclusiveness is needed. Trends of changes in citizen inclusiveness and key factors on citizen inclusiveness will be examples of future studies. Inclusive welfare states need both government's efforts in enhancing welfare institutions and citizens' advancement in inclusive citizenship. This study concludes with several implications for further developed citizenship for inclusiveness.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.21 no.5
• /
• pp.157-169
• /
• 2021

YouTube has rapidly grown as a news media outlet. As political content without fact-checking is actively provided and YouTube algorithms are used for content recommendations, users are selectively exposed to certain political ideologies, which could escalate conflicts among political groups. In particular, the stronger the identification of in-group, the greater the antipathy toward outgroup, and the more exposed the content to the parties that support or oppose it, the stronger the identification or the antipathy can be. This study investigated the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization in the context of political video on YouTube. Based on social identity theory, this study also found that political identification mediates the relationship between selective exposure and political attitude polarization.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
• /
• v.6 no.1 s.11
• /
• pp.89-118
• /
• 2006

The formation of early korean scientific community is a dynamic process of korean modern history in which colonialization, liberation, United States Army Military Government and Korean War is included. Particularly, scientist's crossing over the border into north korea and south korea have profound effect on the early stage of our scientific community. This period is so important to understand the nature of korean scientific community that we need to re-interpret the role of 'ideology' in the development of scientific community. On the other hand, war is a important element in our formation of the image of the science. This study purported to interpret the problem of political ideology, it's role in the formation of early scientific society, it's implication on our idea of science positively. Also the study is a an attempt to re-construct the scientist's struggle(1945-1950) to demarcate new science from old, colonial science.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.36 no.5
• /
• pp.527-538
• /
• 2001

Viewed from the framework of world system, international migration is connected sometimes to unequal power relations by prejudice and discrimination in destination areas, or to equal power relations by intentional effort for harmonious multiculturalism. According to the existing ethnic relation theory, assimiationism, it is natural that ethnicity is fading away as the foreign immigrants of different ethnic background have long limed in a destination area, and thus the relative urban ethnic places are weakened and finally dissapeared. Through the various examples particularly on the United States, however, ethnicity would not be easily fading-away but be sustained for long time. Also, the characteristics of ethnicity or ethnic place are sometimes reivented or reconstructed as the various situation of multiculturalism is affected by postmodernism. Whether it is the thing made by ethnic segregation or by ethnic congregation, ethnicity and ethnic place are evidently a kind of affluent resources of culture and economy in the destination areas.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
• /
• v.22 no.4
• /
• pp.139-154
• /
• 2010

The purpose of this study was to put forth of a future vision from examining of social contribution, future direction, and theoretical framework of home economics education and its cases of practice in educational setting. This study was carried with literature review, and results of study were as follows: First, home economics education should contribute to society through (1) educating individuals suffering from family tiredness to maintain autonomous lives free from distorted family ideology by being critically conscious of them in individual dimension, (2) educating individuals to develop a competence as a citizen to be critical of family ego-centric ideas and to participate and support communal life in family-social dimension, and (3) educating female and male students gender sensitivity and management of family life to be critical of gender discrimination ideology in gender dimension. Second, future home economics education should reinforce all round character education which let students develop their creativity and problem solving ability and foster students' wisdom of life with honesty and morality rather than merely acquiring knowledge in individual dimension. Third, this study employed Brown and Paolucci's conceptual scheme as a theoretical framework which focuses on the role of home economics education leading individuals and families as a changing agent. This framework let individuals and families to critically examine the social character and ideas provided by existing social, economical, and political systems, and to transform social character and ideas to build an ideal societal condition when there are any problems in them. Fourth, this study examined sample classroom instruction of Japan and FCCLA of United States of America to see how they educate students to become a changing agent. In conclusion, future vision of home economics education is to accomplish family revolution to sustain happy family relation and their family lives in which they feel pampered from achievement and free from distorted family ideology. For home economics to accomplish family revolution, it should strengthen education for empowerment, enlightenment, and autonomy. This study calls for immediate paradigm shift not as an occupational but as a practical-critical praxis subject matter for family revolution through home economics education.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.67
• /
• pp.297-325
• /
• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.43 no.1
• /
• pp.69-81
• /
• 2015

Under the premise that parks have been a performing field of welfare ideology that benefits the citizen from the past, the present study began with a basic question on what substance a park has and how it has worked. Therefore, this study tried to find out the theoretic background that can explain the roles of a park as an instrument for welfare, of which topic is currently being discussed, and examine how the ideology in the debate regarding welfare characteristics of parks are differentiated from those of social welfare. In addition, this study divided the process of development of parks defined by Galen Cranz in an attempt to view how welfare benefits offered by parks have changed in their development and looked into the roles and types of welfare functions that parks provided to the citizens under a certain social situation by period. Furthermore, the characteristics and development of the ideology underlying a welfare park were examined by function and element in its progression. The results of this study are as follows. The functions that parks have performed so far can be classified into three categories. First, they have a remedial function. Parks have given direct services to 'the socially disadvantaged' such as relief, fostering, and rehabilitation. Second, parks have played a preventive function. They aim to reinforce the functions of individual, family, group, and community. Third, they have exerted a developmental function. They function to promote change of society in a way for it to contribute to social development. Looking into the roles and functions of parks from the perspective of their beneficiary class and benefits, the following were discovered. First, the beneficiaries of welfare characteristics in parks have expanded to the general public from the poor class, and the benefits of parks have spread into the public including the underprivileged in a real sense. Second, the significance of welfare characteristics in parks has also changed from literal benefits to caring for basic human rights. Third, the purpose of welfare characteristics in parks has changed from providing minimal conditions to optimal conditions. At its beginning, the ideology of welfare in parks remained ideal, confining itself to their idealistic characteristics; but as time went on, they created several social benefits in response to various social demands, developing into a field where welfare ideology manifests and is realized in an active manner. Furthermore, it was witnessed that the parks and welfare of the present times are standing at the point of contact for participation and universal well-being. The present study reconsidered the meaning and value of parks from perspective of them as a provider of welfare benefits as well as examined how the welfare ideology of parks is connected to practice. By doing so, this study discovered the various roles, values, and ideology that parks should bear in the future. Therefore, this study is expected to be a good example for future research related to the topic.

• Strategy21
• /
• s.42
• /
• pp.347-370
• /
• 2017

동북아시아지역에서 집단안보와 관련된 지역협력체가 형성되기 어려운 이유에는 먼저 체제와 이념이 다른 국가들 사이에서의 강한 지정학적 역학관계가 작동하고 있고, 두 번째로 개별국가 내부의 사회이념과 정치체제의 차이로 인한 이질성이 매우 강하며, 세 번째로 새롭게 형성되고 있는 미-중 관계의 대립적 구도가 군사안보적인 차원에서의 과도한 경쟁관계를 유발하고 있는 동시에, 네번째로 북한의 지속적인 핵과 미사일위협이 지역을 넘어 범세계적인 위협요인으로 작용하고 있으며, 다섯 번째로 장기간 미해결상태에 있는 도서 분쟁이 항시 관련국가들 사이에서의 과도한 민족주의적 갈등을 유발시키고, 이로 인한 적대적인 갈등관계가 지속되고 있는 점 등을 동시대적인 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들로 규정해 볼 수 있다. 동시에 이런 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들의 근원적인 발생요인으로도 평가될 수 있으며, 특히 동북아 개별국가들이 내세우고 있는 강력한 민족주의 성향과 과거사와 연관된 역사인식에 따른 문화적 이질성의 내면에 존재하는 낭만적 민족주의요소가 동북아 개별국가들 간의 신뢰형성과정을 강력하게 가로막고 있음을 지적할 수 있다. 19세기말에 동북아에 유래된 낭만적 민족주의에 대한 비교국가 차원에서의 심도 있는 분석과 이를 통한 절충점의 발견은, 역설적이지만, 세계 어느 지역보다도 극심한 갈등과 대립국면이 심화된 동북아지역 내의 국가들이 군사안보 및 정치경제차원에서의 보다 원활한 협력관계를 도모하기 위한 첫 단계로서의 공동의 장을 마련할 수 있는 주요한 동기가 될 수 있다.