This article is on the introduction and origin of Korean Neo-Confucianism. In this article, it is verified and clarified that a scholar named Jeong, Sin-bo (鄭臣保) from Southern Song settled on today's Seosan Ganwoldo (看月島) in the year of 1237 (24th year of the king Gojong in Korean Dynasty) and he introduced the Neo-Confucianism both by Jeong, Myung-do (程明道) and Jeong, Yi-cheon (程伊川) who are also called Double Jeong to Korean scholars. Based on these facts, it overturns the history that Anhyang (安珦) first introduced Neo-Confucianism to Korean Dynasty in the year of 1290 even with 35 years ahead. When this gains official approval by the academia, the history of Neo-Confucianism seems to be rewritten. This article first examines changes in history of Korean Neo-Confucianism with three stages and then concentrates on the life of Jeong, Sin-bo. It presents that Jeong, Sin-bo was a descendant of a Southern Song's noble family named Pogang Jeong (浦江鄭氏) and he committed to Chunqiu thoughts (春秋思想) and spirit of loyalty (義理精神) naturally as the posterity of Pogang Jeong. Lastly, it also infers the transmission of Jeong, Sin-bo's scholastic mantle and his influence on the posterity.
Sin-jeokdo (Hogye, 1574-1663) was a general of patriotic army who protected the region of Euseong at the time of Qing dynasty's invasion in 1627(Jungmyo) and 1636(Byongja). He was an prominent figure outside government as well as a faithful confucian who spent his life with reading and teaching junior scholars after disgraceful treaty in the year of Byongja. Hogye understood the neo-Confucianism in terms of the whole duty of men(綱常) and righteousness(義理) which was in the status of sole official academic subject and thought its practice only hinged upon the practice of filial piety and brotherly love together with loyalty and sincerity based on morals between sovereign and subject, father and son. He, therefore, emphasized that the righteousness only can be accomplished by dying of children and subjects for filial piety and fidelity respectively, at the time of commotion. This was his spirit of righteousness which repelled Japanese army in the Imjin War and he insisted on defeating Japanese army in accordance with this spirit. Hogye's practice of righteousness is grounded on the spirit of Chosun Confucianism which stressed actual practices of moral principles and duties. His practice of righteousness shows internalized cultural sinocentrism and moral-centric, ethic-centric characteristic of Chosun Confucianism. Moreover, the moral consciousness which was shown in Hogye's thought helped to keep Korean's pride and observe morality and it served itself as a basis of commencement of nationalistic military, religious movements afterwards.
This paper seeks to illuminate the intellectual context of Giljae, who had carried out a unique life during the late Koryŏ and early Chosun period and left quite a significant imprint on the Chosun intellectual history. In the midst of the tumultuous political changes in the late Koryŏ, Giljae worried the fate of the declining Koryŏ dynasty after contemplating on the directions that Yi Sŏnggye had taken after the Wihwado Retreat and made it very clear that he would rather honor the integrity of Baekyi·Sukje(伯夷叔齊). The traces that Giljae had left in this period obtained its significance not just as a loyal integrity of a subject but as a paragon of life that lived up to the principles of the Confucius truth. To decline a prestigious position in the service of a king when it was offered is not just to buy the honor of integrity. It is an endeavor to live one's life right as to how one entered the world and retreated from it in accordance with the Confucius teachings. That many kings and scholars in the Chosun period placed Giljae highly in the intellectual history of Korean Confucianism in remembering his integrity is none other than the recognition of this fact.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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v.7
no.1
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pp.117-133
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2021
The art of the Confucian literati' was mainly centered on literati' painting. Literary paintings combined with poem-writing-painting are based on the literary characters and studies. This is usually based on the technique of Shensi(神似) caused by a hobby accomplishment, enjoying the chinese painting and cherishing with chinese painting. The Confucian literati' cultivated their own character and sublimated humanism to art based on studying. They sought the life of supremacy and supreme gentleness, and enjoyed life on the boundary of pleasure through art. The aim of the Confucian literati' arts lies in the pursuit of expressing the artist's inner world, spirit, and the combination of the Confucian and the Taoism, Because of literati's spirit based on learning, the Confucian literati' arts still exist. The aesthetic of Sunbi Spirit is mainly in the customs of Sunbi, the loyalty of Sunbi, the Silhak(實學) of Sunbi, and loving of the people of Sunbi. We can find honor and loyalty in the Sunbi spirit of the Confucian literati' of the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, it is also possible to observe the loyal troops, the hard work for the country, and the Pung-ryu with nature. In other words, the Sunbi honor, loyalty, loyal troops, pursuit of study and the Pung-ryu show the spirit of the Confucian literati' of Joseon Dynasty. The aesthetic of the Sunbi spirit is in Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak, loving of the people etc. The aesthetic of experience of art is mainly based on the aesthetic experience by emotional intelligence and the aesthetic experience according to the individual's inclination. The aesthetic sense actually shows Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak and love etc. We can see it in many of our literary paintings. Therefore, the Confucian literati' painting in Chosun Dynasty were the intentionality of the mind and the intentionality of the spare. Furthermore, it has directivity of expressing the artist's inner world, directivity of substance, so it is possible to see that the characteristics of the Sunbi spirit are diverse.
Issues over morality and profit usually address relations between moral principles and material gains. In the history of traditional Oriental philosophy, discussions about them were called "Yi-Li zhi bian." The ideas of Confucius and Mencius also contain various discussions about Yi-Li. Both Confucius and Mencius defined Yi as a value concept to represent "natural," "appropriate" or "just" and regarded Yi as an external moral principle on the one hand and an internal moral emotion on the other hand. They had, at the same time, differences, as well. While Confucius placed importance on the external and acquired nature of Yi as a goal of morality, Mencius argued for the internal and innate nature of Yi as the nature of morality partially while recognizing its externality overall. Such Yi is a general term for subjective moral emotions and objective moral principles. Li was a concept of fact to represent "gain," "profit" or "profit-making." Both of them were against private interest and emphasized public interest. As for their differences, Confucius was positive about Li to some degree by saying "One should think of Yi when making profit," whereas Mencius was almost negative about Li and perceived it to be for Yi by saying "One should give up even his own life for Yi." He meant Li's dependence on Yi and also Yi's absoluteness for Ri. Both of them found a mix of opposite features in Yi such as internality and externality, subjectivity and objectivity, specificity and generality, and uniqueness and universality and also in Li such as individuality and specialty and public and private interest. Those features have both disadvantages including theoretical irrationality and logical contradiction and advantages including ideological diversity and conceptual polysemy. If efforts are made to avoid their disadvantages and highlight their advantages, they will provide some elements to consult in the creation of new global ethics required today when East and West are becoming one. In the modern society, the Yi-Li issues can be divided into the issues of morality and economy, personal and social profit, and moral ideal and material gain. If these modern Yi-Li issues are combined with the traditional Yi-Li issues, two paths will emerge over the order of Yi-Li. Of the many perceptions of Yi-Li issues of Confucius and Mencius, the idea of "Yi First, Li Later" can be very useful for creating a new ethics theory to represent "humanism" that we all need today when everyone considers their own pursuit of profit and satisfaction of needs as the best values. Sound Yi-Li relations will be possible only through Yi's orientation toward externality based on internality and Li's pursuit of private interest on the premise of public interest according to the spirit of "Yi First, Li Later."
View of Lee Je-ma's "Hyung Sang" is one of the methods of classification of Constitution. In this study, I studied the "Hyung Sang" as medical histologically, and get the results as follow; 1. "The book of changes" is classified to the sciences of divination of "Sang-Soo", which is consisted with "Sang (image)" and "Soo (number)", and "Wae-Ri", which explained the meaning of a divination sign as "nature" or virtue of divination sign. 2. Lee Je-ma is accepted the concepts of science of divination of "Wae-Ri" based on Confucianism in the discription of "The book of changes". And also he established the new "Sasang Constitutional Medicine" theory based on the "Joung-Young". 3. "The book of changes" is discribed phenomena as "Sang" and "Soo" involving "Three elements", which are heaven, earth, and individual, and "Yin-Yang". Lee Je-ma accepted the concept of "Sang" in science of divination of "Sang-Soo" and established the "Four elements", which are affairs, mind, body, and objects, constituting "Three elements". 4. In the method of "Sasang" type classifying, Lee Je-ma used "Four elements", which attach importance to structure and function of human body rather than "Yin-Yang", which explain relatively.
Li-Gu was a Confucianist who criticized traditional 'attend to Righteousness and neglect Profit' idea and insisted that people affirmed 'Proprietiy' and 'Interest', which accorded with human nature and desire. He said that 'Proprieties' was made by adjusting one's material life and natural desire. Therefore, if we want 'Propriety' is manifested itself, we must affirm and satisfy the material life and natural desire first. He asserted that if we didn't follow this, the people's life would be devastated and the nation would face a big crisis. Li-Gu's thought not only gave Wang An Suk's Reformation a theoretical basics, but also attached the new and reformist meanings to 'Propriety', which had been changing meaningless and abstract, by criticizing Songming Confucian School and put great stress on uniting the inside and outside. In this article, through examining Li-Gu's the idea of Righteousness and Profit, King and Ruler, Inside and Outside, we can consider what the real 'Propriety' is and what kind of practical meaning 'Propriety' has.
In this paper, I tried to examine the aspects of overcoming the aftermath of war through literary works. As history is continuously being reinterpreted and reevaluated, historical figures are described differently and given new meanings especially in the field of literature. It is not only important to examine these interpretations from previous generations themselves; it is also important to analyze them from a modern day perspective and look closely at their meanings. This research, by focusing on the post Manchu's invasion period, I examined the contemporary discussion. Literary works which were written in the post Manchu's invasion had different meaning comparing to the other time. Scholars at that time wanted to use historical figures as an allegory of temporary national situation. And this social phenomena was deeply related to the temporary discourses such like wipe off a disgrace by taking revenge on Qing (boksu $s{\breve{o}}lch^{prime}I$, 復讐雪恥) or loyalty to the Ming dynasty ($taemy{\breve{o}}ng$${\breve{u}}iri$, 對明義理). So that this research takes genre, time period, and nationality as the main variables to interpret typical historical figures and study their aspects.
This paper aims to confirm theoretical similarities and differences by comparing and considering the economic views of Neo-Confucianism and Daesoon Thought. Through this, there can be an examination of what implications traditional thought regarding economic views can have in today's social climate, which considers economic value to be the greatest value. This can also to help establish a desirable economic view of our society. In conclusion, it can be observed that economic issues are viewed in Daesoon Thought similarly to how they were perceived by Zhu Xi. Which is to say that both place greater relative importance on morality than material wealth. These systems of thought appear to place more emphasis on the spiritual world and moral conduct than on the material world and its economy. Therefore, when looking at the interpretation of loyalty and profit, nature and humanity, the heart and humanity, conscience and selfishness, and other such pairings, there is a tendency to focus more on the spiritual world and moral excellence than on the material world and the pursuit of wealth. These systems of thought acknowledge that material needs exist; however, both move to instill values such that human society pursues moral and spiritual ventures over material gain. Therefore, the position arrived upon by both is that people's morality is the highest good, and when people's morality is fully realized, all social problems, including economic problems, will be solved automatically. This is the theoretical structure and ideological characteristics that constitutes the economic viewpoints posited in both Zhu Xi's Neo-Confucianist thought and Daesoon Thought.
Suam(遂庵) Kwon Sang-Ha(權尙夏) was a very important character in the late Chosoen Dynasty. He was a representative of the academic circles(school of Uam) and political circles(Nolon; 老論) after Uam(尤庵) Song Si-Yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689). He represented learning and thought and undertaking of his academic circles and political circles, and handed down to his pupils. He thought his mission was "lighting the laws of heaven and aligning the human mind," "stopping the heretical study and repulsing uncivilization", to reform good virtues of humanity and justice. Kwon Sang-Ha was a successor of Song Si-Yeol, He succeeded learning and thought of his teacher and practiced "Upright"(直) and the Thought of ChunChu(春秋). He emphasized "Upright" as a fundamental principle, like his teacher. He thought ChuHsi(朱熹, 1130-1200) was the master who had inherited the spirit of Confucianism and Chosoen was the only country to successfully inherit this spirit of Confucianism. He declared any study counter to the study of ChuHsi as a rebellious pursuit. Therefore he rejected all other studies. He tried to "stop the heretical 'ism' and repulse uncivilization" and present this ideology as 'the Right way of Human Society(世道)'. He made efforts to reorganize books of ChuHsi to make perfect Book of righteousness with Song Si-Yeol. And he established Hwayang shrine, MandongMyo(萬東廟), Deabodan(大報壇) etc, in memory of fidelity and large rightness. Kwon Sang-Ha did these undertaking to establish 'Public morals and the Right way of Human Society(世道)' with self-confidence. In Dispute on the nature of man and animal(人物性同異論), he gives his approval to Han Won-Jin's opinion. Han Won-Jin's opinion was "the nature of man and animal is Different"(人物性異論). Whenever serious political accidents occurred, he took the lead to protect his teacher, Song Si-Yeol. The reason he did this was not because of his personal feelings for his teacher, but because of promoting 'Public morals(世道)' and 'Confucianism.' Kwon Sang-Ha regarded Mind control Law of "Upright" and the thought of ChunChu as his moralities, and was concerned about real politics and opposed social irregularities. Kwon Sang-Ha succeeded Song Si-Yeol's thought of "Upright" and volition of making an inroad on the Chung(淸), and gave to his political circles(Nolon; 老論) as a law of mind and mission.
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