• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.79-101
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• 2002

The present study was to investigate the psychological characteristics of Urie(義理; interpersonal morality) in Korean interpersonal relationships in terms of qualitative approach and quantitative approach. In study 1, the authors developed an open-ended questionnaire focused on Urie behavior and not Urie behavior. The results revealed that helping, trusting, and caring behaviors and historicality were the key elements of Urie relationships. On the other hand, selfish and distrusting behaviors disrupted Urie relationships. In study 2, the authors conducted video experiment in order to study how the subjects interpret and understand Urie phenomenon. This video stimulus composed of love and friendship. The main characters showed their conflicts between love and friendship. Thus, subjects were asked to answer their interpretations and understandings about what was going on according to the scene. In study 3, we made three kinds of scenarios which were constituted in conflict situation between close friends who works together at their own company. If one asks some favors to you against social justice, how do you do? Most subjects evaluated the whistle blowing behavior as moral and just. However, they evaluated the insider as not good friend. They evaluated one who did favor even though that behavior was socially unjust as good friend and having Urie. Consequently, Korean people emphasize on their human relationships in everyday life. Urie relationship is built in close and Cheong relationship.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.97-129
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• 2008

Sin-jeokdo (Hogye, 1574-1663) was a general of patriotic army who protected the region of Euseong at the time of Qing dynasty's invasion in 1627(Jungmyo) and 1636(Byongja). He was an prominent figure outside government as well as a faithful confucian who spent his life with reading and teaching junior scholars after disgraceful treaty in the year of Byongja. Hogye understood the neo-Confucianism in terms of the whole duty of men(綱常) and righteousness(義理) which was in the status of sole official academic subject and thought its practice only hinged upon the practice of filial piety and brotherly love together with loyalty and sincerity based on morals between sovereign and subject, father and son. He, therefore, emphasized that the righteousness only can be accomplished by dying of children and subjects for filial piety and fidelity respectively, at the time of commotion. This was his spirit of righteousness which repelled Japanese army in the Imjin War and he insisted on defeating Japanese army in accordance with this spirit. Hogye's practice of righteousness is grounded on the spirit of Chosun Confucianism which stressed actual practices of moral principles and duties. His practice of righteousness shows internalized cultural sinocentrism and moral-centric, ethic-centric characteristic of Chosun Confucianism. Moreover, the moral consciousness which was shown in Hogye's thought helped to keep Korean's pride and observe morality and it served itself as a basis of commencement of nationalistic military, religious movements afterwards.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.69-97
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• 2017

In this paper, I tried to examine the aspects of overcoming the aftermath of war through literary works. As history is continuously being reinterpreted and reevaluated, historical figures are described differently and given new meanings especially in the field of literature. It is not only important to examine these interpretations from previous generations themselves; it is also important to analyze them from a modern day perspective and look closely at their meanings. This research, by focusing on the post Manchu's invasion period, I examined the contemporary discussion. Literary works which were written in the post Manchu's invasion had different meaning comparing to the other time. Scholars at that time wanted to use historical figures as an allegory of temporary national situation. And this social phenomena was deeply related to the temporary discourses such like wipe off a disgrace by taking revenge on Qing (boksu $s{\breve{o}}lch^{prime}I$, 復讐雪恥) or loyalty to the Ming dynasty ($taemy{\breve{o}}ng$ ${\breve{u}}iri$, 對明義理). So that this research takes genre, time period, and nationality as the main variables to interpret typical historical figures and study their aspects.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.127-159
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• 2009

This paper is about the conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo in the Joseon Dynasity. Originally, Hwangjoin meant the Chinese people till the mid-term of the Joseon Dynasty but the meaning was changed to the immigrants from the Ming(明) dynasty in reign of King Youngjo. They were Han Chinese(漢族) and moved to the Joseon between the Japanese Invasion in 1592 and the Manchu war in 1636. The Joseon government gave a warm welcome to them. Two wars made the Joseon government pay attention to the national restoration and served the entrance of 'Sallim(山林)' on the central government as a momentum. Song, Siyeol(宋時烈) was the leader of Sallim, who made an issue of 'Daecheong-boksu Discourse(對淸復讐論;to revenge on Ching(淸) Dynasty)' like a way of 'Bukbeol(北伐;to attack Ching Dynasty)'. His plan came to fail because of the death of King Hyojong and was replaced with Jonju Discourse(尊周論;respect for Zhou Dynasty). Daebodan(大報壇) was built in the reign of King Sukjong, which meant Joseon got the justness that they inherited from the Ming Dynasty. Later Daebodan expanded and it led to works in honor of loyal subjects and patriots, victims of two wars and a policy of a warm reception for Hwangjoin. King Youngjo did his best to theorize Daemyeong Euiri Discourse(對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse for himself. His efforts came out as a spread of conception on Pungcheon(風泉;fengquan), publication and education of Eoje-seo (御製書) and making literary works(英祖御製). King Youngjo employed many policies for Hwangjoin. First, operation of Chungnyanggwa(忠良科) opened a door for them to go into politics. Second, descendants of Hwangjoin had charge of Hwangdan's guard(皇壇 守直) posts. and joined in the sacrificial rites of Ming Emperors. Third, they could have government jobs and honorary posts for ancestors' merits. Fourth, a list of Hwangjoin, "Hwainlok(華人錄)" was published and they got preferential treatment unlike Hyanhwain(向化人). King Young's Pungcheon(風泉) had an effect on literature such as Lee, Gyusang(李奎象)'s "Beong-sejaeunlok(幷世才彦錄)" and Song, Gyubin(宋奎斌)'s Pungcheon-yuhyang(風泉遺響)". The general people of Joseon were jealous and envious of them because of special treatment polices for Hwangjoin. So people wanted to be included in Hwangjoin as far as possible and there were cases of pretending to be a Hwangjoin. The conception of "Hwangjoin(皇朝人)" during the reign of King Youngjo was realized as the policy for Hwangjoin based on Daemyeong Euiri Discourse (對明義理論) and Jonju Discourse(尊周論). It was a way of becoming clear about Joseon's position in political principle.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.117-133
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• 2021

The art of the Confucian literati' was mainly centered on literati' painting. Literary paintings combined with poem-writing-painting are based on the literary characters and studies. This is usually based on the technique of Shensi(神似) caused by a hobby accomplishment, enjoying the chinese painting and cherishing with chinese painting. The Confucian literati' cultivated their own character and sublimated humanism to art based on studying. They sought the life of supremacy and supreme gentleness, and enjoyed life on the boundary of pleasure through art. The aim of the Confucian literati' arts lies in the pursuit of expressing the artist's inner world, spirit, and the combination of the Confucian and the Taoism, Because of literati's spirit based on learning, the Confucian literati' arts still exist. The aesthetic of Sunbi Spirit is mainly in the customs of Sunbi, the loyalty of Sunbi, the Silhak(實學) of Sunbi, and loving of the people of Sunbi. We can find honor and loyalty in the Sunbi spirit of the Confucian literati' of the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, it is also possible to observe the loyal troops, the hard work for the country, and the Pung-ryu with nature. In other words, the Sunbi honor, loyalty, loyal troops, pursuit of study and the Pung-ryu show the spirit of the Confucian literati' of Joseon Dynasty. The aesthetic of the Sunbi spirit is in Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak, loving of the people etc. The aesthetic of experience of art is mainly based on the aesthetic experience by emotional intelligence and the aesthetic experience according to the individual's inclination. The aesthetic sense actually shows Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak and love etc. We can see it in many of our literary paintings. Therefore, the Confucian literati' painting in Chosun Dynasty were the intentionality of the mind and the intentionality of the spare. Furthermore, it has directivity of expressing the artist's inner world, directivity of substance, so it is possible to see that the characteristics of the Sunbi spirit are diverse.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.127-143
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• 2010

This research was made on the interpretation of cultural landscape elements which is shown at nature management around Gyeongcheondae managed by Udam Chae Deug-gi, scholar in Joseon dynasty. Naming the nature management and natural features not only reflected on the formation toward the view of nature by the contemporary intellectuals, but influenced on the fashion of garden culture. Udam Chae Deug-gi dwelt in the riverside of Sangju, Kyungbuk as the characteristics of hermitage and managed landscape and had a willing to live a life free from worldly cares. The Gyeongchundae 28 landscapes, which was managed by himself, represent that natural features are named on the basis of neo-confucian principle and loyalty and he imposed symbolic meaning on landscape management by practically translating his aesthetic consciousness to reality; the name of detailed landscape is largely 'loyalty to Ming dynasty and to king's order and loyalty', 'Taoism' and 'Management will of landscape' by the life of metaphor and enjoyment, and symbolizes 'Searching for learning'. In addition, by selecting 10 out of 28 landscapes around Gyeongcheondae, lyrically describing the landscape by representing the change of time, season and the climate which is the scenic term of Great 8 Sosang views in fashion at that time focusing on the place he strolled or enjoyed watching himself; it can be seen that such moves are related with the landscape management in fashion in order to understand microcosmic providence with the change of natural environment. Therefore, Udam Chaedeug-gi is regarded as the neo-confucian view of nature for which any value scholars in Joseon dynasty have to own - 'loyalty' and 'integrity' - he usually emphasized himself to name the natural features and overcome the darkness of society comparing the landscape management around Gyeongchundae he lived a life free from worldly cares to the situation of Joseon dynasty when a transition times between Ming and Chung comes from China.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.9-33
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• 2018

This article introduce the status and research overview of Korean Confucianism in Eastern Asia with the macroscopic view. Mainly making Tuixi as an example on this basis, respectively make introduction and analysis of research overview among the modern Chinese mainland, Taiwan and Japan towards Korean Confucianism. The scholars who are from Chinese mainland think highly of the expression on meaning and principle in the research of Korean philosophy, which is shown the fair and peace; The scholars who come from Taiwan are obviously impacted by the western world(Taiwan uses the means influenced by the western thinking method) in the means of researching the Korean Confucianism; Japanese persistently rely on the literature and try to reproduce the objectivity of historicism. For decades, the research of Tuixi had made great achievements in Eastern Asia. It had understood the allover content of its thought, It is also worth thinking about the correlation between Tuixi psychology and Yinyang study in Japan, Japan and Taiwan in recent years. Any research is unavoidable to start from own countries, areas and ideological consciousness, but there is a question idea behind the back that comes from emotion and fact. Making the advantage in study meanings and communication in question consciousness will be beneficial to the continuous development of the study of Tuixi in depth and expand its influence.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.37
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• pp.97-134
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• 2013

Kim Ee-man was born and grew up in Jecheon (堤川). As a government officer and a Confucian scholar belonging to Namin School, Kim Ee-man was active in the early and middle of 18th century. Kim Ee-man composed good poems since he was a child. In addition to being a good poet, Kim Ee-man later became a model government officer, who had thorough awareness on serving citizens (爲民). When he was a governor in Yangsan (梁山) county, he built an embankment for farmers by out of his own salary. The academic world of Kim Ee-man faithfully succeeded the basis of Toegyehak (退溪學) and he took Sohak (小學) as important. The reason of Kim Ee-man having established a practical guideline in the form of inscription and proverbs was also directly related to the issue of moral practice. Kim Ee-man also received the influence of ancient classic study from his teacher Lee Seo-woo (李瑞雨) and took Yookgyeong (六經, Six Classics in China) important in practice. Kim Ee-man started the study on Joojahak (朱子學, the doctrines of Chu-tzu) in later years. He became more thorough in being a public figure while reinforcing effort on differentiating the principle of heaven (天理) and human desire (人欲).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.39-63
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• 2018

This article introduce the status and research overview of Korean Confucianism in Eastern Asia with the macroscopic view. Mainly making Tuixi as an example on this basis, respectively make introduction and analysis of research overview among the modern Chinese mainland, Taiwan and Japan towards Korean Confucianism. The scholars who are from Chinese mainland think highly of the expression on meaning and principle in the research of Korean philosophy, which is shown the fair and peace; The scholars who come from Taiwan are obviously impacted by the western world(Taiwan uses the means influenced by the western thinking method) in the means of researching the Korean Confucianism; Japanese persistently rely on the literature and try to reproduce the objectivity of historicism. For decades, the research of Tuixi had made great achievements in Eastern Asia. It had understood the allover content of its thought, It is also worth thinking about the correlation between Tuixi psychology and Yinyang study in Japan, Japan and Taiwan in recent years. Any research is unavoidable to start from own countries, areas and ideological consciousness, but there is a question idea behind the back that comes from emotion and fact. Making the advantage in study meanings and communication in question consciousness will be beneficial to the continuous development of the study of Tuixi in depth and expand its influence.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.387-415
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• 2010

This article examines Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s theory of I-Qing(易經) present in Yi Xue Qi Meng. Zhu Xi aims to establish a novel Confucian theory of I-Qing, examining the study of I-Qing in Han Dynasity and the Taoist theory of I-Qing. To this end, he embraces Shao Yong(邵雍)'s theory of Xian Tian. Adapting the notion of Xian Tian(先天) as developed by Shao, he completes the Image-Number(象數) Theory of Hetu-Luoshu(河圖洛書). While discussing Hetu Luoshu, Zhu Xi argues that the Image and Number are not merely a form of prognostication, but a medium that reveals the principles of the nature and the sagely ways of mind. In addition, by studing I-Zhuan(易傳) in authoring Yi Xue Qi Meng, Zhu Xi maintains that the notions of Image and Number as he understands were to be approved by Confucius. This leads to the unification of Sho Yong's Tai-Ji(太極), Zou Dun Yi(周 敦頤)'s Tai-Ji, and Tai-Ji in Hetu. Through this work, Zhu Xi attempts to construct a systematic philosophy that straddles ontology and value theory, while identifying Li (理) with Xiang (象) and Shu (數). The Image-Number Theory of Hetu-Luoshu has replaced numerous theories of Image and Number at the time of Zhu Xi. Based on this theory, he restores the method of divination as presented in Xi CI Zhuan(繫辭傳). By successfully applying his theory of Image and Number to interpreting a number of recorded examples of divination during the Spring and Autumn period and the Warring States period, Zhu Xi demonstrates that his theory is not only an abstract metaphysical theory, but also can function as an adaptable method of divination.