• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.127-143
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• 2010

This research was made on the interpretation of cultural landscape elements which is shown at nature management around Gyeongcheondae managed by Udam Chae Deug-gi, scholar in Joseon dynasty. Naming the nature management and natural features not only reflected on the formation toward the view of nature by the contemporary intellectuals, but influenced on the fashion of garden culture. Udam Chae Deug-gi dwelt in the riverside of Sangju, Kyungbuk as the characteristics of hermitage and managed landscape and had a willing to live a life free from worldly cares. The Gyeongchundae 28 landscapes, which was managed by himself, represent that natural features are named on the basis of neo-confucian principle and loyalty and he imposed symbolic meaning on landscape management by practically translating his aesthetic consciousness to reality; the name of detailed landscape is largely 'loyalty to Ming dynasty and to king's order and loyalty', 'Taoism' and 'Management will of landscape' by the life of metaphor and enjoyment, and symbolizes 'Searching for learning'. In addition, by selecting 10 out of 28 landscapes around Gyeongcheondae, lyrically describing the landscape by representing the change of time, season and the climate which is the scenic term of Great 8 Sosang views in fashion at that time focusing on the place he strolled or enjoyed watching himself; it can be seen that such moves are related with the landscape management in fashion in order to understand microcosmic providence with the change of natural environment. Therefore, Udam Chaedeug-gi is regarded as the neo-confucian view of nature for which any value scholars in Joseon dynasty have to own - 'loyalty' and 'integrity' - he usually emphasized himself to name the natural features and overcome the darkness of society comparing the landscape management around Gyeongchundae he lived a life free from worldly cares to the situation of Joseon dynasty when a transition times between Ming and Chung comes from China.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.16-33
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• 2012

Maehwa blossom(梅花) has been favoured in literary and artistic works in the East Asia as one of representing symbols of virtuous men's character. Maehwaseookdo(梅花書屋圖) is one of major forms of painting. This paper starts from the birth of Maehwaseookdo since it aims to examine the following points: its structural origin of the Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) style; how this style was distributed in Korea; process and features of Maegamdo(梅龕圖). The current academic world admits Maehwaseookdo is originated from an ancient story of Lim Po(林逋). Even though Maehwaseookdo and Lim Po story can be linked to a meaning of schoarly hermitage, ways to structure works are hard to compare paintings based on Lim Po story. While paintings related to Limpo story such as Banghakdo(放鶴圖) and Gwanmaedo(觀梅圖) depict a scholar(s) and a few Maehwa trees with cranes, Maehwaseookdo presents scholarly hermitage with a lot of Maehwa trees which encircle a house building. As other paintings related to Maehwa blossom were widely painted since the nationwide popularity of the theme of Maehwa, Maehwaseookdo was not drown throughout the whole period of time. Since Goryeo, Maehwa paintings including Sehansamu(歲寒三友), ordinary Maehwado as one of the Four Gentlemen's plants, and Tammaedo(探梅圖) which was based on ancient anecdote of Maeng Hoyeon. Maehwaseookdo, however, was created exclusively in the 19th century. In China a similar feature took place much earlier period which was in the 17th century. Accordingly we can assume that these patterns which paintings in particular styles were generated by particular cultural phenomena. The reason why Joseon's Maehwaseookdo works were painted exclusively in the 19th century was that Kim Jeonghee's party and Sin wi had acquaintanceship with Jang Sim(張深) who got work orders for Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁). In these corresponding activities, two types of Maehwa paintings were exchanged. In China, scholars usually drew paintings in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado(九里梅花村舍圖) depicting scenic views of Guriju(九里洲) which was riverside area under the Mt. Buchun(富春山). This place surrounded by thousands and hundreds of Maehwa trees was where Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁) was about to retire to hermitage in. In this repect, Joseon scholars painted Maegamdo(梅龕圖) depicting a scene of a shrine with Oh Sungyang(吳嵩梁)'s poetry books surrounded by Maehwa trees for paying tribute to the wall of Maehwa trees(Maebyeok(梅癖)). This seems to adapt the format of 'Manmae(萬梅)' which appeared in the type of Gurimaehwachonsado. One of the representing works of this, is painted or supervised by Sinwi. Paintings in two types with respective meanings were combined by which was estimated to be painted by Sin Wi, then it became a structural base of by Jang Sim(張深) This type of Maegamdo brought the popularity of Maewhoseookdo which once had another name of 'Manmaeseookdo(萬梅書屋圖)' by a group of scholars such as Jo Heeyong, in the 19th century. All things considered, this paper can be a sort of precedent phrase to find out the birth of Manmaeseookdo which was very popular in the late 19th century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.22-36
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• 2019

This research identified landscape characteristics of Chilitan(칠리탄) area, which had been managed by Son Giyang(1559~1617, p. Ohhan), in order to understand the political viewpoint and ideal landscapes, sought after by Confucian scholars in the 16~17th century. As the research method for the interpretation of each scene's spatial strucutres and meanings, paintings and poems in Chiltanjungsipyukgyeongdo(the Paintings of the 16 Scenes of Chiltanjung Area) were analyzed, which were followed by the on-site survey. Son lived hermit life with the nature after he decided to retire into the country for the chaotic political environment in the 4^th year of Gwanghaegun's reign. Admiring Eum Jareung(B.C. 39-41, p. Eumgwang)'s hermit life, he named a headstream to Chilitan, erected pavilion and made place for angling by the stream, as Eum did in the hermitage. However he worried the king and royal politics in spite of his hermit life, which showed his political viewpoint of Confucianism. In addition, every column of buildings in the garden was named in order to imply both thoughts of Neo-Confucianism and Idleness Naturalism, which highlight a moral training and being comfortable amid poverty and taking pleasure in and honest life style. The present landscape of wonlim could be back to 1936, where Unganru, Byeokripjae and Chiltanjung are surrounding Eupcheondang. Chines character, such as Jimamsuseok, Giam, Ohhansonsunseongjanggujiso and Jogi, are inscribed on the rocks in the landscape garden, from which placeness could be inferred. According to the record of the construction, pine, fir, paulownia, ginkgo, peach trees, bamboo and lotus were planted, and ginkgo, bamboo, crape myrtle, pine and chestnut tress are still living in the garden, which mean plants had been planted in the light of their practical values as well as symbolic meanings. The method for describing 16 scenes of Chiltanjung could be characterized to the structure of 「Place+Scene(a particural activity, event, or action), and these placeness could be analyzed by categorizing the scene to near, middle and far views. Each scene symbolically presents a hermit, noble man, Taoist ideology, homeland, or peacetime, which were adpoted to depict landscapes of Chiltanjung area as the Confucian utopia.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.119-128
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to look at the Jungeun-sasang(中隱思想) and garden of Bai Juyi in the perspective of landscape architecture and inquiry the meaning of Bai Juyi's construction activities, thought shown in his gardens, and how his construction method influenced later and the result is as follows. First, the 'Jungeun-sasang(中隱思想)' of Bai Juyi improved the Eunil-sasang(隱逸思想) and the birth of 'Jungeun-sasang(中隱思想)' became a clue to be developed up to the garden art. In addition, different from before that built gardens hiding in mountains, it prepared the turning point to build gardens in cities. Second, the space principle of 'paradise' shown in the garden of Bai Juyi was a means and principle to absorb the nature such as positioning rocks, formation of mounds, and positioning of flowers in the limited and small spaces different from previous gardens of splendid and magnificent. The garden became not only outer scene but also the 'Simwon(心園) that reflected the inside world. 12) Third, the gardening act and thought appeared in the poem of Bai Juyi were expressed in pictures and his own gardens as his poem was borrowed and quoted. As a result, Bai Juyi's literary view on the art and thought prepared the base in the popularity of literary gardens and forming of characteristic styles through practical activities that he managed his own gardens. Forth, Bai Juyi's level of Confucianism realization and delicate aesthetical consciousness gave meanings to the scene of gardens through the discovery of the fusion of mountains and creeks, ways of adding, and the aesthetical consciousness of Taihushi(太湖石)and influenced in the forming of garden culture later on.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.190-217
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• 2012

This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.139-153
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• 2014

This study contemplates the utopian landscape recognized by the scholars with twenty three pieces of 'travel record'. Consequently, five key words - Mureungdowon(武陵桃源), Byeolcheonji(別天地), Dongcheon(洞天), Chonghakdong, Eungeoji(hermitage) - are chosen for comprehending the utopia and their landscape characteristics are organised as follows. Mureungdowon in Jirisan Mountain which the scholars dreamed of is a flatland with the full energy for local vegetation and domestic animals in the mysterious and deep gorge. This utopia eventually reflects the rural landscape. Byeolcheonji is a utopia combining the concept of a fairyland and beautiful scenery. The scholars also used the term 'Dongcheon' for naming the enclosed landform which is suitable for seclusion and defining the some areas of beautiful scenery. Cheonghakdong, which is set only in Jirisan Mountain, has been formed by the stone scenery of gorges and Buril waterfalls around the whole area of Burilam Hermitage, the vegetation scenery of pine trees and bamboos with the legend of Choi Chiwon and his engraved inscription on a rock. Adding to the utopia passed down, the scholars perceived the village with geographical features with back to the mountain and facing the water, the river practising the trade, the flatland enclosed by bamboo forests, the vegetation mainly consisting of fruit trees and beautiful scenery as the utopia realized on earth. It is equivalent to the world of human beings laboring appropriately and living in Mother Nature. As mentioned above, this study has significance for apprehending the relevance between the culture of strolling in the mountains by the scholars of Joseon Dynasty and the fairyland and explaining the various traditional utopias from the inherited concepts from China to the naturalized realistic utopia.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.163-187
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• 2013

In this paper, Han Yong-un's view point of Buddhism was examined in the traditional Zen Buddhism. He emphasized the essence of calm and awakened Zen in Wonhyo's theory of Jigwanssangun and Jinul's theory of Jeonghyessangsu. He criticized the behaviors of Zen priests at that time who turned their back on common people, secluded themselves in mountains and tried to stay calm in their places, and ideologically stressed that calm and awakened Zen should be realized in disciplinants' daily lives while enlightening the public. On the other hand, he had consistently stuck to Imjeseonpung(臨濟禪風) based on the spirit of saving the world, rather than depending on Jodongowi(曹洞 五位), when glossing "Sip-hyun-dam" with the traditional $S{\bar{o}}t{\bar{o}}$ Zen(曹洞宗) after Kim Si-seup Compared with Jodongowi, Siphyeondamjuhae(十玄談註解) emphasized Pyeonjungjeong (偏中正) where the right position(正位) of a true man(眞人) is founded in the middle of common people's partiality(偏位). In Siphyeondamjuhae, he intended to rebuke Japanese $S{\bar{o}}t{\bar{o}}$ Zen priests' brutality of trying to annihilate even the spirit of Zen Buddhism through Treaty of Alliance of Korea-Japan Buddhism(朝日佛敎同盟條約). Considering Han Yong-un's view point of Buddhism, it has the characteristic of patriotism and love of the people in the traditional Zen Buddhism.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.185-210
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• 2018

This thesis investigates wrote by Lee Han Jin who edited "Chung Ku Young Un(靑丘永言)" with supposition that was affected by Lee Han Jin's literary activity and poetic direction, and Wayu(臥遊) was enjoyed by Sajok(士族) in the late Chosun Period. Lee Han Jin kept company with The Yeonam Faction and their friendship was based on Lee Han Jin's blood-relationship. Lee Han Jin's musical sense and poetic direction are verified by records about their poetic activity. In his old age, Lee Han Jin retired in the Yeongpyeong of Gyeonggido and edited "Chung Ku Young Un", Lee Han Jin's poetic direction is also verified by Sijo's theme which was included in "Chung Ku Young Un" and Lee Han Jin's Sijo. Meanwhile, Kyunghwasajok(京華士族) in the late Chosun Period wanted to overcome their situation that they could not leave city by imagination about landscape. That activity was Wayu. They didn't consider whether they see landscape, and they made good use of many genre of literature for effective Wayu. Lee Han Jin and his group's literary activity was formed by that cultural air. Lee Han Jin wrote though his retirement in mountain. It was also for effective imagination about landscape that he didn't see. So unworldly landscape was appeared in compared to other fishermen motif poems. The tension between Situation that he couldn't see real landscape and desire for effective Wayu get solved by form named that have distinct characteristic as a Jipgusi(集句詩).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.22-31
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to illuminate historical sensitivity and design in the days of the Joseon era and examines the phenomenon of acculturation as revealed in the planting of Sophora japonica and Zelkova serrata in the garden grove by looking into the purpose underlying the construction, formative intention and the process of change in Pohang's Chirinjeong wonlim. Chirinjeong, also called Sanggaejeong(雙槐亭) after the fact that two Zelkova serrata trees were planted there, is a hermit pavilion in Sa-il village, Chogok-ri, built in the 9th year of King Taejong(1409) by Jang, Pyo(張彪, 1349~?) of an officer of bureaucratic origin toward the end of the Goryeo Dynasty, the Chirinjeong garden grove is an element essential to Chogok, the 3rd Gok of Sanggaegoogok(雙溪九曲). The wonlim of Chirinjeong is divided into the pavilion section composed of the entrance area, Chirinjeong, composed of Zelkova serrata and Sophora japonica, and the pond section composed of a quadrangular pond and island(方池方島), and Lagerstroemia indica. In view of the intent of the name Chirinjeong or of the fact that the pavilion was named based on that the royal seal string was hung on the Sanggwaesoo(雙槐樹) or two Zelkova serrata trees, it is reasonable to view it as Zelkova serrata trees having been planted early in the days of the Joseon Dynasty and those additionally planted later on that symbolizes the position of the three nobles and the Sophora japonica. In addition, in spite of the fact that the type of trees supplementarily planted in the 21st year of King Yeongjo(1745) is known as Sophora japonica, it is impossible to rule out the possibility of the tree planted outside of Chirinjeong being Zelkova serrata. In short, the three Zelkova serrata trees planted along with Sophora japonica must certainly be evidence that Zelkova serrata planted along with Sophora japonica in Chirinjeong wonlim indicates that the off spring of the Indong Jang family could tell the difference between Sophora japonica and Zelkova serrata. In the recognition process of Zelkova serrata trees finding their way into Korea, it was known as Zelkova serrata on the one hand and as Sophora japonica on the other, and the former, which enjoys a comparative advantage over in terms of the easiness with which to purchase, growth speed and possibility of growing into a long-lived tree was interchanged with Zelkova serrata, a case of acculturation as manifested in the planting of Sophora japonica in the Chirinjeong garden grove.