• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.381-410
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• 2009

It is a very important book about painting theory, that "Xuanhehuapu"(宣和畵譜) was wrote by Emperor Huizhong(徽宗) in Song Dynasty. Fundamental discussions and studies in the relation of socio-economical base in Song Dynasty are still more needed. And accordingly, it is necessary to advent upgraded aesthetical articles. Li xue(理?) deeply influenced upon paintings and its theories in Song Dynasty. Similarly, Taoism(道家) and Zen Buddhism(?宗) also did. But some people who have not found "Xuanhehuapu" important meaning and rich and complicated aesthetic thought, gave low and even negative valuation to it. There is rich aesthetic in "Xuanhehuapu", which is not as simple and narrow as some people imagined. It was deeply influenced by the aesthetic thought of Confucianism(Lixue 理學), Taoism(Zhuangzi 莊子) and "Zhouyi"({周易}). I will be analytical in a few aspects "Xuanhehuapu" of aesthetics thought. 1. The calligraphy and painting is one flesh. 2. learn a good lesson from painting. 3. The handicrafts(Art, 藝) and Tao(道) unify. 4. It is a Art taxology. 5. It use a new art criticism methods.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.241-262
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• 2011

In this paper we show how the perception of heavenly principle(天理) and definition of individual desires(私慾) in the five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) was changed over time. The five commentaries on Daodejing(道德經) composed during $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ are 'Sooneon(醇言) by Lee, Yul-gock (李珥,1536~1584), 'SinJoo-DoDuckKyung (新註道德經) - or New Commentary on Daodejing(道德經) - by Park, Se-dang(朴世堂,1629~1703), 'Dodukjigi(道德指歸)' by Suh, Myoung-euing(徐命膺,1716~1787), 'Chowondamro (椒園談老)' by Lee, Chung-ik(李忠翊,1744~1816), and 'Jungro(訂老)' by Hong, Suk-joo (洪奭周,1774~1842). The course of history in understanding the book, "Daodejing(道德經)," demonstrated that by the late of $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty in the 18th century, the notion of 'the moral law for the community' has changed. Neither Suh, Myoung-euing nor Lee, Chung-ik emphasized 'the necessity for the truth of the heavens.'Instead, they focused more on the 'individuals' who followed the moral law than the moral law itself. They did not see the individual desire as the object that had to be discarded. Within the context of this framework, the individual's role had changed from the person who had to be obedient to the law to the subject who judged the moral law all by him/herself. This process of breaking up 'the goodness of the community' led the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty of the 18th century in the transition period to the modern era. In other words, it was the time when the introspection of the 'moral law' prevailed in the $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty occurred naturally and spontaneously among the Confucian scholars, which implied the reconceptualization of the 'self-awareness' or 'the point of view on the individual's self-desire' was occurred in the context of academic development during the late $Chos{\breve{o}}n$ Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.377-410
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• 2009

In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.195-223
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• 2012

Until now, I guess, many scholars misunderstood the characteristic of economic awareness of Yi Hang-no as if it was a modern nationalism or radicalism against Japanese anti-Korean insistences. But I think these opinions are out of historical attitude. So to understand Yi's economic awareness correctly, I think, We should focus on the traditional Confucian thought system at that time. As one method to reach the goal, I focused on the word, Jeong-jeon-je: Oriental equal land system. Yi Hang-no put the importance on Jeong-jeon-je to make utopia he dreamed of. Yi thought Jeong-jeon-je is the basis of equal society and strong state. Also Yi thought a moral society would be achieved by Jeong-jeon-je because the equal land system, so called Jeong-jeon-je provide peasants with equal lands, so it makes peasants stable in economic situation. Especially, Yi Hang-no put importance on that Jeong-jeon-je would raise moral consciousness of people because equal economic condition makes people wealthy, so people would be good men naturally. Yi Hang-no explain it in basis of Insim-Dosim-seol: a theory of two minds bad & good to be. Yi Hang-no thought equal economic condition is the basis of making people moral being. He thought Jeong-jeon-je was a basis of the condition. Reversely, Yi thought Western insists of trade was the beginning of making people fight for individual benefit, so it produces devil selfishness out of human mind. That was the reason that Yi Hang-no opposed the trade with Western Powers. Eventually Yi's assertion of embargo came out of his Insim-Dosim-seol. In this context, Yi's Jeong-jeon-je was insisted as a method to raise human moral consciousness.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.47
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• pp.139-172
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• 2023

This study aims to look into the concept of Human Mind and Moral Mind and the issue of their axiological interpretation in Daesoon Thought. In the Song dynasty, the concept of the Human Mind and Moral Mind was understood as indicating two aspects of the universal Human Mind. Discourse on this theory was undertaken by scholars such as Cheng Yichuan (程伊川), Su Shi (蘇軾), and Zhu Xi (朱熹). The differences between the Human Mind and Moral Mind were interpreted as issues of cultivation. The discussion of the Human Mind and Moral Mind were established through a systematic theory by Zhu Xi, and this developed into various forms of discourse and ideological stances thereafter. One of the most important issues of the Human Mind and Moral Mind theory was its axiological interpretation, which was divided largely into three patterns. One was to interpret the Human Mind and Moral Mind as evil and good respectively (proponents included Cheng Yichuan and Zhu Xi in his early theories), the other one saw them as value-neutral and good (proponents included Zhu Xi, Toegye 退溪, and Yulgok 栗谷), and the last one interpretation held them as pre-evil and pre-good (Dasan 茶山). As the Human Mind and Moral Mind can be seen as a universal human issue, the examination of those patterns in the Confucian tradition would be meaningful for understanding the Human Mind and Moral Mind as a theoretical base in Daesoon Thought. In Daesoon Thought, the Human Mind and Moral Mind are defined as private and public respectively, but no further explanation is provided regarding these items. If we infer by considering the two in the light of the overall ideology and values that Daesoon Jinrihoe pursues, the Human Mind can be said to represent basic biological desires such as clothing, food, and sexual satisfaction all of which are human vital activities needed for the preservation of the human race. The Moral Mind can be seen as a mind that is set upon practicing morality and realizing the ideological aims of 'supporting the nation and comforting the people,' 'vast saving all creatures,' and achieving 'harmony and peace for humankind.' However, the conscience and the selfish mind, which are related axiologically to the Human Mind and the Moral Mind, are defined respectively as good and evil and explained in a relatively systematic way which includes conceptual claims and details on the origin of these aspects of mind. The reason why the discussions of the conscience and selfish mind are more systematically described than the Human Mind and Moral Mind seems to be that issues relating to the conscience and selfish mind are more directly applicable to matters of religious doctrine.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.78
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• pp.153-189
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• 2024

This study sought to find the characteristics of the Protestant faith that emerged during the early missionary work of Korean Protestants in the Andong region of Gyeongsang Province, where Confucianism was developed. In the early days of Korean Protestantism (1905-1935), it focused on the life and lifestyle of Elder Lee Sang-dong, a nobleman with a background in Toegye Confucianism, who converted from Confucianism. Elder Sang-dong Lee's life and journey of faith can be illuminated and the implications can be connected through the theology of the faith community by Christian education scholar J. h. Westerhoff III. Westerhoff viewed Christian education as forming the values and worldview of individuals in the community while the faith community adapts to society and culture. Westerhoff's view of Christian education is that these values appear as a way of life within social and cultural processes, and this life helps to reveal various aspects of life based on different environments. As Sang-dong Lee began reading the Bible, he came to believe in Jesus and accepted the worldview of the Bible. The values o f the Bible accepted in this way opened up a world view shown by the Christian Bible rather than Confucian Toegye Neo-Confucianism in the encounter between Confucianism in the late Joseon Dynasty and early Protestant church history. Thus, he lived the lifestyle of a believer who put the words of the Bible into practice in the life of a Confucianism nobleman. He founded the Posan-dong Church and started a church with a martyrdom faith community. He was the first in Andong to sing the March 1st Independence Movement on his own, advocated the Korean Independence Movement, liberated slaves and demonstrated the equality movement, and established new education at DeoksinSeosuk. By implementing it, it faithfully fulfilled its role as a teacher of the enlightenment movement and catechesis. In the early days of Korean Protestantism, Lee Sang-dong, a layman who held the office of elder rather than a minister in an institutional church, is a practical example of the values and lifestyle shown through the encounter between Confucianism and Protestantism in the Andong region, the stronghold of Confucianism. It can be seen as providing deep insight in modern church history and from the perspective of Christian education.

• 유학연구
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• v.48
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• pp.129-171
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to collect, to classify education archives of Joseon Seowon, and to examine characteristics of education archives. The subjects of this study are Sosu-Seowon, Dosan-Seowon, Dodong-Seowon, Oksan-Seowon, Donam-Seowon. According to the contents and nature of the archives, I divided educational archives into four types: the record of rules of Seowon education, the record of actual education, the record of ritual, and the record of financial. First, through the record of rules, I have identified how the rules are passed down and changed from Seowon to Seowon and impact of book publishing and distribution on changes in Seowon Curriculum. Secondly, through the record of educational practice, I have examined the size of students participating in Seowon education, the role of officers, the procedures and methods of education, the daily routine in Seowon, the methods of discussion and questions in lectures, and the role of teachers in discussions etc. Third, through the record of rituals, I examined customary rituals such as Gyeongdok(敬 讀), the rites for opening class(開接禮) and the last class(罷接禮), and the rites for Master-Disciple Relationshipe(贄禮) in addition to official rites such as Jeongeuprye(庭揖 禮) and Sangeuprye(相揖禮). Fourth, through the record of financial, we could see howthe late Joseon Seowon tried to continue the education by setting up a financial institution dedicated to education despite severe financial difficulties. The classification criteria and the typification method of education archives of Joseon Seowon that have been attempted in this study can be used as a model for systematically collecting and organizing the education archives of Joseon Seowon. However, this needs to be supplemented and discussed further. In addition, if a methodology can be developed to collect a wide range of materials that have been scattered over various materials through the classification and typification of the materials, it will contribute to expanding the horizon of Seowon research in the future

• 유학연구
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• v.42
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• pp.207-232
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• 2018

The national customs in 『Shijing』 consist of 15 kinds including 「Odes of Zhou and South」 and 「Odes of Shao and South」, and 「Qifeng」 comes as the 8th one. In this thesis, it's argued through 11 poems of Qi that 'satirical emotion' existed among the customs of Qi state and that 'friendly emotion' was especially strong in 「Qifeng」. Qi state was conferred to Jiang Ziya, and is evaluated to have respected Zhou dynasty because it participated as the first in the movement of the capital to the east by King Ping of Zhou in the early times of Spring and Autumn period. However, most of the poems in 「Qifeng」 of 『Shijing』 satire the times and figures, so readers come to feel that the customs of Qi state were chaotic. That's why the meanings of the poems in 「Qifeng」 need to be investigated again and it should be clarified that 「Qifeng」 expresses 'satirical emotions' and especially, 'friendly emotion.' In the process of this clarification, the full account of the poems were examined based on the historical facts in 『Zuo Zhuan』. As the result, it was proved that the emotions from the consciousness of common people used to exist honorably enough to tighten national discipline in the customs of Qi state. To deduct this conclusion, the 'satirical emotion' of Qi people was studied with the poets of <The cock crows>, <Return>, <Clarity>, <The sun of the east>, <Dawn of the east> consisting of the early parts of 「Qifeng」. And then the 'friendly emotion' of the Qi people revealed by <Southern mountain>, <Big field>, <Hunting dog>, <Old fish trap>, <Cart>, <Admiration of beauty> was investigated. Duke Xiang, a feudal lord of Qi state, had a relationship with his sister, Wen Jiang, and continued the relationship even after Wen Jiang married to Duke Huan of Lu state. It finally caused his sister's husband and Duke Huan of Lu state to die. The behaviors of a person in the upper class exert big influence on the society and general people. Yet, the feudal lord of Qi state was morally disordered. According to 「Qifeng」, in spite of this situation, the consciousness of common people in Qi state compensated the shortcomings of their politicians. After all, ethical common awareness stabilized and maintained the deteriorating national discipline emotionally. In 「Qifeng」, no writer blames or belittles their feudal lord, and this is the very restoration of human nature and the true good outcome of poetry. The poets of Qi state seem to have had bigger impact than the politicians. At this point of time when morality is actually collapsing and politicians are committing corruption, it would help improve the world to understand and cultivate the 'satirical emotion' and 'friendly emotion' of Qi state where the emotions of common people were not heartless.

• 유학연구
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• v.46
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• pp.53-78
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• 2019

Our leaders and our nation exerted lots of efforts and sacrifices to make rapid change and development of our country in modern times. However, recently their negative images were gradually exposed to us, making our nation have their aspiration for well-conditioned leaders, along with their own responsibilities. For this study, who are good leaders and what are needed for them were deeply thought of. Although there was no clear solution, this study made a premise that the leaders should be nourished to have benevolence, knowledge, bravery and deed, realizing political activities to give our nation satisfactory results. For this, the leaders, for themselves, should make philosophical thoughts for becoming good leaders and for executing their thoughts. However, they are confronted with many problems to do so in real world. Therefore, it is necessary to consistently give them an country-level education for philosophy of leadership for them to form their own philosophical thoughts and to realize their thoughts in our actual lives. One type of method for that can be accomplished through contents of 《Seonghakjipyo》, written by Yulgok Yi yi (李珥, 1536~1584), for the hope of saint king. In this book, he described in details the sayings of the saints and his own thoughts on what should be learnt and practiced for doing self-discipline and ruling the country, adding that it was useful and common to all as well as the leaders. It can be said that this book is very usefulto educate philosophy of leadership for modern leaders, for it is containing the contents both for individuals to learn and practice for restoration of their human nature and for leaders to directly utilize in real political world. This argument may be originated from the fact that the wisdom and the deed needed for good leaders are, in general, all the same, although the system of the great organization like country has been changed. Based on the sections of Self-discipline and Politics in the above book, this study argued the general education for philosophy of leadership. It is focused on definition of education for philosophy of leadership, its meaning in 《Seonghakjipyo》, the reason for using the above book for it, and the suggestion of concrete methods to solve insufficiency of education programs at present for leaders and to execute education for philosophy of leadership that can be practicable in real world. This study showed that the above book could be used for education for philosophy of leadership, arguing that such education could be useful for independently solving many problems both the leaders and our nation might be confronted with in our lives.