• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.32 no.6
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• pp.902-910
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• 2008

A view of the Orientalism that sees the Orient as the inferior Other, characterized by the heterogenic, eccentric, backward, and passive features, has been internalized in the unconsciousness of Westerners. 'Orientalism' which is the cultural device and the system of discourse to put Asia in the fixed frame of dominance was the West European centered term, designating Southwest Asia including South Europe and North Africa as Orient, and contained the idea that non-Western society could progress only with the acceptance of Western civilization. Accordingly, it is need to use this term deliberately. In addition, even though the Asian Look of the West, borrowing the images and costume styles of Asia has lost the original mentality of Asia, it was not initiated from the perception that sees Asia as the inferior Other. Since the Asian Ethnic Look is the Western costume, borrowing the image of Orient and style by being fascinated by Oriental Aesthetics, the attributes of it are different from those of Orientalism. Therefore, it is not appropriate to designate the Asian Ethnic Look as 'Orientalism Fashion' or 'Oriental Look' except for some eccentric manipulation of Asia costume and image. Instead, it is desirable to exchange the term 'Asian Look', 'Asian Fashion', and 'Asian Ethnic Look' upon occasions or the name of individual nation or region can be referred to as preferred alternatives. Today, Asia including Korea is taking the initiative in the World Fashion as one of central axes of World Fashion Industry, and cannot be interpreted from the perspective of West Centrism. Now, it's time to dissolve the dichotomous prejudice of the West centrism on Asia's own strength.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.171-201
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• 2004

Modern sciences in the West are deeply rooted in the Greek and Roman cultural heritage. Consequently, the academic achievements accomplished by the scholars of the Arabs including Persian world, the profound thoughts developed in the Indian subcontinent, and the excellent works made by the East Asian scholars have mostly been neglected in the past. This paper attempts to compare the thoughts and theories on population developed by the Western scholars with those of East Asian scolars, in chronological order, ancient, mediaeval, and modern period before Malthus. The thesis that excessive population growth may reduce output per worker, depress levels of living for the masses and engender strife is of great antiquity. In fact, overpopulation in East Asia, especially in China, goes back to very ancient times, most Confucian scholars maintained the notion of a numerical balance between population and environment. They also looked for means to check the increase in numbers. The foundations of a theory of optimum population level, fully developed in the twentieth century, can be found in their writings. Although early population thoughts in China had not advanced far in the analysis of the significance of population size and growth, it had taken only a few steps forward. At some times and to some observers, populousness appeared desirable; at other times and to other observers, it seemed all too evident that the number of people could become too great. These viewpoints foreshowed some of the later developments. The early population literatures reviewed here seem to consist of a number of quite isolated contributions. In fact, however, there may have been a greater continuity of thought than now appears, for many of the contributions may have been lost and there are many gaps in the record. An intensive review on comparing two works, those of Malthus' and Hong, Liang-chi's, are presented in this paper. Only five years before Malthus published his famous work, An Essay on the Principle of Population, Hong published his theories on population. Some of them, Hong insisted, are very similar to the Malthusian concepts of geometrical increase, natural and artificial checks of population. Despite the excellent works in the ancient period, this paper concludes with an investigation of the reasons why modem achievements in scientific areas in the East Asia have been far behind that of the West.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.62-88
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• 2017

Global polarization at different scales has been more intensified than ever before. So, more complicated geographies are associated with global poverty and inequality, and their subsequent problems such as famine, disease, environmental degradation, and asylum seekers. These problems are apparently confined to specific countries and regions. However, they are a consequence of historical-geographic (post)colonial interconnectedness. In this sense, since the early 1960s, international development cooperation has significantly contributed to resolve or alleviate them. Especially, in 2015, the Millenium Development Goals(MDGs) project is finished and Sustainable Development Goals(SDGs) are newly set up as a global project to end human poverty. It is assumed that donor's IDC to accomplish SDGs will be more complicatedly implemented because SDGs contain more expanded and diversified forms of project targets than before. They are both possibilities and limits in the sense of development geography.

• Proceedings of the Plant Resources Society of Korea Conference
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• 2018.04a
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• pp.50-50
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• 2018

본 연구는 국내 생육이 확인된 미기록 외래식물을 보고하고 그 특성을 기술하고자 한다. 가는잎가시상추(Lactuca saligna)는 국화과 다년생 초본이며 높이 10~65cm에 까지 자란다. 줄기에 난 잎은 피침형, 좁은피침형이며, 기부는 이저(耳底), 줄기를 반쯤 감싼다. 유라시아원산으로 지중해, 유럽온대까지 넓은 생육범위를 보인다. 한국에서는 부산, 울산 해안가 주변 공터에서 생육이 확인되었다. 부산, 울산 해안가 저지대를 중심으로 신속한 분포확산이 예상된다. 근연종인 가시상추의 국내 분포확산, 위해성 등을 고려할 때 가는잎가시상추에 대한 주의가 요구된다. 좀전동싸리(Melilotus indicus)는 해안 초지에 생육하는 일년초이며 높이 60cm까지 성장한다. 잎은 우상 3소엽, 소엽은 도란형~좁은도란형, 길이는 1~2.5cm이며 거치가 있다. 좀전동싸리는 국내생육하는 전동싸리와 매우 유사한 형태적 특성을 보인다. 좀전동싸리는 꽃의 길이 2~3mm 개화기는 4~5월이며, 전동싸리는 꽃의 길이 4~7mm 개화기는 7~11월로 차이를 보인다. 지중해, 유럽 남서부 원산으로 전세계적으로 온대 전역에 유입된 것으로 알려져 있다. 국내에서는 제주시 한림읍 옹포리 일대 해안가 저지대 공터 및 초지에서 생육이 확인되었다. 넓은 면적에서 분포하며 제주도에 정착된 것으로 판단된다. 나도뿔이삭풀은(Hainardia cylindrica) 해안 초지에 생육하는 일년초이며 높이 5~35cm까지 성장한다. 수상화서는 25cm에 이르며, 쇠뿔모양으로 단단하다. 소수는 화서 중축에 파인곳을 메우고 있으며, 길이 5~8mm 1개의 소화를 포함한다. 초형은 혁질이며 예두이다. 남아메리카원산으로 북아메리카, 호주 일본 등에 귀화되어 있다. 한국에서는 전라남도 완도군 신지면 신리 해안가 일대 공터 및 초지에 생육이 확인되었다. 나도뿔이삭풀속 Hainardia 은 국내 처음 보고되는 속이며, 뿔이삭풀과 유사한 형태적 특성으로 인해 국명을 신칭하였다.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

The study started with the question, "Is Japan's normalization of nationalization a return to militarism?" Therefore, in order to analyze this, the characteristics of the international system after the inauguration of the Japanese Empire during World War I and World War II and the Abe's 2nd Cabinet in contemporary Japan were compared. Through this, there were some differences in the characteristics of the international system of the two periods, and as a result, it was intended to derive the differences between the two examples. During the prewar period of World War I, the militaristic Japanese Empire suffered great damage from the national pride of being the only power in Asia through the Paris Enhancement Conference, the Washington Navy Treaty, and the London Navy Treaty. However, the Western powers with colonies in Asia still existed in the region, so it was not possible to turn them into immediate power expansion. Meanwhile, World War II broke out in Europe. As a result, the Western powers had to focus on the whole of Europe, and the militaristic Japanese empire became a regional hegemony without missing the international system characteristic of "the hegemony." Unlike in the past militarism, Japan's case of pursuing common nationalization since 2012 has been carried out in the order of Northeast Asia in the composition of the "cold war" new cold war. In particular, Japan is attempting to transform itself into a normal state to strengthen the US-Japan alliance on a self-reliant level due to the lack of quantitative military power compared to the neighboring countries.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.15 no.6
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• pp.43-54
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• 2020

This paper investigates the causal impact of the increase in institutional distance between two geographic regions on the flow of cross-border Venture Capital (VC) between the regions. While cross-border VCs are believed to have competitive advantages at identifying and managing promising startups in a local market compared to local counterparts, the discrepancy in institutional characteristics between two markets exacerbates the difficulty of credible information exchange and negotiation, significantly increasing transaction cost related to a cross-border venture capital investment. This study conducts a difference-in-difference analysis to examine the relationship between institutional distance and the flow of cross-border VC investment using the fact that the official adoption of the Euro currency by member countries of the European Union except the UK created an institutional chasm between the UK and other EU member countries. The outcomes of the analysis suggests that UK-based VCs significantly decreased the VC investment into EU-based startups and that EU-based VCs reduced the investment into UK-based startups. The results have meaningful implications for understanding the impact of the change in institutional difference on cross-border VC investment, which seems to increasingly take place with the recent trend of de-globalization and the rise of protectionism.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.31-60
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• 2011

Medvedev administration has adopted new foreign policy line because of Obama administration's 'Reset' policy and Global economic crisis. The objectives of Medvedev's new foreign policy are the creation of a favorable external environment and the efficient use of external resources for Russia's economic modernization. To achieve these goals, Medvedev's government fleshed out such specific action plans as the avoidance of conflicts with other powers, the prevention of conflicts around Russia's borders, the activation of capital investment, and the introduction of advanced technology from the outside. This foreign policy line takes shape in the building of a foundation for strategic cooperation with the United States, the preparation for 'Modernization Alliance' with Europe, the management of cooperation and conflict with China and Japan, and the introduction of a dual strategy of strategic stability and economic integration in relations with post-soviet states. In Russia's new foreign policy line the strengthening of relations with the United States and Europe acquires highest priority. However, this does not mean a return to a 'pro-Western liberal line' in the early 1990s. The ultimate goal of Russia's 'modernization' program still lies in the rebuilding of a powerful Russia in accordance with the multipolar world order that was Putin administration's foreign policy line. In this context, foreign policy change under Medvedev administration could be defined as a 'program change at international level' that signifies a change in the means to achieve goals without changing them.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.97-111
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to analyze commemoration characteristics of the United States of America, the Commonwealth, and Germany through representative 14 military cemeteries of World war II in Western Europe. Based on the commemoration characteristics such as spacial characteristic, commemorative elements, and graves and headstone, the commemoration culture among U.S., the Commonwealth. and Germany were studied comparatively. The results are as follows. First, taking geometrical form with mainly square type, rarely circle and spiral patterned, most cemeteries were structured spatial central axis with symmetry, those cemeteries were styled neoclassical, but some of the U.S. cemeteries were modernistic, connecting spaces organically with curved line layout. Second, chapel, the wall of missing, the wall of battle map, and sculpture in the U.S military cemeteries, and 'the cross of sacrifice' and 'the stone of remembrance' as classical monument in the Commonwealth war cemeteries were commonly applied standardized commemorative elements, but commemorative monuments in German military cemeteries were restricted except monumental cross. Third, the symbolic cross of christianism was used all cemeteries to console and cherish the soul of soldiers, specially the Latin crosses in the U.S military cemeteries delivered political message as the american martyr for Western Europe and also the power of the U.S., but the cross in German and the Commonwealth war cemeteries were basically cherish and comfort individual spirit. Fourth, showing the power of victory with national patriotism, the U.S. strongly represented christianism and liberal democracy against communism, the Commonwealth showed imperialistic style, and German military cemeteries were quietly appeared as traditional style forwarding reconciliation and peace. This study suggest the war cemeteries have national identity with typical form and symbolic aesthetics. Further study will be required to materialize sublime commemoration in national cemeteries and to form advanced commemorative culture in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.145-169
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to investigate the influences of educational policy transfer on transitional countries by analyzing the impacts of the Bologna Process on the educational systems of former socialist countries in Europe including Russia, Ukraine, and Hungary. For this purpose, documents published by European Union and its associated educational institutions, as well as academic institutions and scholars were analyzed to evaluate the changes made not only in the systemic level but also institutional and personal levels. The Bologna Process, instigated by the rise of knowledge economy and globalization, is purported to be the most influential educational reform conducted by the member countries since the formation of EU. However, unlike its original intentions to promote the voluntary participation of universities and students, the Bologna Process strengthened the structure of centralized bureaucracy in the educational systems, and restricted the freedom of professors, since most of the universities in these countries relied on governments for their funding. This indicates that in analyzing the influences of educational policy transfer in transitional countries, it is important to analyze the roles and motivations of actors participating in the decision-making processes. Moreover, Bologna Process reforms, made under the direction and control of government, were often turned into cases in which administrators hurriedly implement new policies against the will of faculty members and students, thus impeding the efficient localization of the reforms. This case, thus, implies that while educational reforms driven by policy transfer can change external systems and policies of universities, the fundamental reforms in the minds of faculty and inner workings of organization can only come about after a careful consideration of the societal and cultural values embedded within society.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.253-277
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• 2004

Since the early nineties, the European welfare states have been undergoing a paradigm shift from 'poverty' to 'social exclusion' in that the disadvantaged have increased in many areas, despite continuing increases in general living standards due to the steady economic development in Europe. In relation to this, Silver(1994) traces the evolution of the term 'exclusion' over time, and distinguishes three paradigms within which social exclusion is embedded (solidarity, specialisation and monopoly). In this regards, this paper purports to examine if differences of social exclusion indicators amongst three paradigm countries (notably, France, UK and Sweden) are statistically significant. For this purpose it takes the steps of 'theoretical conceptualisation'$\rightarrow$'classification of nations'$\rightarrow$'indexation for measurement', each of which constitutes an independent chapter. It duly argues that social exclusion indicators of three countries are hierarchically different in line with the Silver's three paradigms of social exclusion.