• Public Diplomacy: Theory and Practice
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.43-63
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• 2023

Objectives: Nuclear security and atomic energy industry have always been the domain of political and economical diplomatic affairs. The issue of nuclear proliferation must be resolved politically or militarily given the importance of the problem, the impact it has on global security, the influence of major powers, and non-proliferation regimes. Considering scope of the budget, manpower, and scale of the project, the atomic energy issue was also viewed from an economic perspective. Therefore, the goal of this study is to depart from the conventional viewpoint and investigate if public diplomacy may be extended to a new issue domain of nuclear security and atomic energy. Methods: In order to determine whether there are any areas that overlap, the uniqueness of Korea's position in the nuclear security and atomic power domains is evaluated and compared with the traits of public diplomacy. Results: It seems plausible to broaden the scope and function of public diplomacy in that field given Korea's uniqueness in nuclear security and atomic energy issue and overlap with public diplomacy. This is especially true given that the state must take the leading role and that ongoing policy demands are made in light of Korea's security and economic structure. In reality, it is assessed that the Summer Fellows Program, run by the KAIST Nuclear Nonproliferation Education and Research Center (KAIST NEREC), has had a considerable impact on public diplomacy in the area of nuclear security and atomic energy. Conclusions: Nuclear security and atomic energy issues have traditionally been handled from the perspectives of political diplomacy, summit diplomacy, and economic diplomacy. However, this paper evaluate that the possibility of enhancing the role of public diplomacy in this issue area is high and underscore that the budget support, programs, and manpower for similar public diplomacy activities are needed. Through this, South Korea's nuclear security policy and atomic energy industry could be supported from international community and it will advance national interest.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.53-75
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• 2016

This article presents a descriptive analysis on national security policy platforms promoted by the ruling parties of South Korea during general and presidential elections. National security platforms made during the elections campaigns are a window that allows us to see how the ruling party perceives the threat environment, opportunity-structures, policy preferences and material capabilities faced by the state. South Korea presents a unique case since it faces constant military threats from North Korea and interacts with China and the United States. Therefore, the national security policy platforms, which are explicitly campaigned during the general and presidential elections, showcases the worldview of the ruling party. The study essentially focuses on three areas of the platforms - its threat perception on North Korea, the ROK-US alliance and the future vision for the Korean peninsula by covering two presidential elections and three general elections for the last 20 years.

• Journal of Aerospace System Engineering
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.29-39
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• 2024

Recently, the space field has become an important element both for national economies and in national security. In the continued development of the space field, policy must play a very important role. However, many researchers who want to participate in space policy are experiencing difficulties due to the lack of a clear explanation and definition of the term 'space policy' itself. Accordingly, this paper defines 'space policy', which is further classified into 'space research and development policy', 'space economy policy', 'space law and regulation policy', 'space security policy', and 'space diplomacy policy'. The important elements of each space policy field are analyzed as well.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.27-52
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• 2011

The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of post-September 1lth. Comprised of five states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Central Asia's newly enhanced strategic importance stems from several other factors, ranging from trans-national threats posed by Islamic extremism, drug production and trafficking, to the geopolitical threats inherent in the region's location as a crossroads between Russia, Southwest Asia and China. Although the U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. The analysis goes on to warn that 'with US troops already in place to varying extents in Central Asian states, it becomes particularly important to understand the faultlines, geography, and other challenges this part of the world presents'. The Kyrgyz military remains an embryonic force with a weak chain of command, the ground force built to Cold War standards, and an almost total lack of air capabilities. Training, discipline and desertion - at over 10 per cent, the highest among the Central Asian republics - continue to present major problems for the creation of combat-effective armed forces. Kyrgyzstan has a declared policy of national defence and independence without the use of non-conventional weapons. Kyrgyzstan participates in the regional security structures, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) but, in security matters at least, it is dependent upon Russian support. The armed forces are poorly trained and ill-equipped to fulfil an effective counter-insurgency or counter-terrorist role. The task of rebuilding is much bigger, and so are the stakes - the integrity and sovereignty of the Kyrgyz state. Only democratization, the fight against corruption, reforms in the military and educational sectors and strategic initiatives promoting internal economic integration and national cohesion hold the key to Kyrgyzstan's lasting future

• East European & Balkan Studies
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• v.32
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• pp.257-281
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• 2012

Are the policies and strategies which weak and small states choose to follow for ensuring their's own security meaningless? Can the fate of weak states be guaranteed only by the neighboring benign strong states and be in certain international relations favoring for them? In this paper, to answer these questions, what kinds of security policies and foreign policies had small states chosen which were in the face of threats of great powers will be examined. Between the two world war, the series of event which took place in central and eastern European countries(CEEc) have been selected to examine the hypothesis and theories of international relations and foreign policies, and at the same time cited as examples of failed foreign policy and security strategy. During interwar periods, CEEc were the prime examples for examining what kind of policies and strategies had the small states chosen over the international relations in which the smalls had to struggle to survive between neighbouring the powers and between the hostiles. Furthermore, for the measures which the smalls had chosen had no effect when the great power threatened military to them, the main purpose of this paper is to examine what was the best choose to depend their survival. For this purpose, in this paper, several strategies which the smalls can choose and the counterfactuals, that is "if the smalls chosen another strategies, they could...", will be examined.

• Korea Petroleum Association Journal
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• no.7 s.125
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• pp.42-46
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• 1991

이 자료는 지난 6월 19일 외교안보원에서 한국중동학회 주최로 열린 「중동과 석유」주제의 세미나에서 주한 사우디아라비아 대사인 Mohammed A. AL-Shewaihy씨가 발표한 내용을 옮긴 것이다. <편집자 주>

• 21st centry Political Science Review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.105-124
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• 2018

In March 2017, the British Parliament voted in favor of the British government in response to a 51.9% approval for the EU withdrawal (Brexit) of about 72% of total voters in the referendum held in the UK in June 2016 (EU Referendum) Passed a bill granting EU withdrawal notification powers. In the case of the UK, EU exports accounted for 44% of the total EU exports in 2016, and the EU exports to the UK accounted for about 8% of the total exports. The UK government was burdened with the need to coordinate differences between the 27 EU member states with different interests by country or industry. Therefore, the existing research on the UK's negotiation process of the Brexit is relatively concerned with the economic aspects. In this paper, however, we examine the EU's common foreign and security policy in addition to the economic sector, We will look through the negotiation process with the focus of foreign security policy areas.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.159-179
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• 2013

This study traces the evolution of the compilation of foreign relations of the United States series and analyzes its archival issues from its historical development. The study examines the purposes of publishing the compilations of the diplomatic documents, an issue of making a balance between secrecy for national security and accountability of diplomacy, neutrality in compiling historical materials, and methods and principles of the compilation. To analyze these records issues, the study examines the contents and contexts of the compilation, historical evolution of the compilation, and the political and records issues of the compilation in the U.S. political history. The declassification issue for the historical compilation was also examined because the issue was a major obstacle to the timely publication of FRUS.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.55-66
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• 2019

For the past 66 years, the Korea-U.S. alliance has been a typical asymmetric alliance in which the U.S. supports South Korea's security during the Cold War and South Korea gives some of its policy autonomy to the U.S. But Lee Myung-bak government military alliance the 'comprehensive strategic alliance' of the character, 'value of alliance', Park Geun-hye ' a global, 'Frontier of cooperation', the government.'reciprocal, comprehensive alliance' Moon Jae-in, the government and partnerships developed with ' euroui the development of national security strategy said. The purpose of this study is to explore ways to build a reciprocal and comprehensive Korea-U.S. alliance for the development of the Korea-U.S. alliance policy in order to ensure South Korea's policy autonomy following changes in the Trump administration's alliance policy. The results of the research show the need for Korea to participate in the U.S.-led 'India-Pacific Strategy' continue diplomatic efforts for the mutual economic benefits of the two countries and strengthen public diplomacy in order to build the Korea-U.S. alliance in a reciprocal and comprehensive manner.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.157-184
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• 2018

The study has applied the four stage "Model of State Behavior in Crisis" to trace the post 9/11 crisis foreign policy decision making process in Pakistan. It argues that ominous attacks on the United States by al-Qaeda and subsequent declaration of President Bush to fight against terrorism transformed the global and regional politico-security dimensions at t1 stage. Being a neighboring country, Pakistan's support was inevitable in the war on terror and Washington applied coercive diplomacy to win the cooperation from Islamabad. Consequently, in case of decline to accept American demands, Pakistan perceived threat to basic values/objectives of the country and simultaneous time pressure amplified the psychological stress in decision makers at t2 stage. Therefore, the decisional forum was setup at t3 stage and Pakistan decided to join the United States at t4 stage, which defused the foreign policy crisis.