• Title/Summary/Keyword: 오지(五遲)

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The Plan of Dose Reduction by Measuring and Evaluating Occupationally Exposed Dose in vivo Tests of Nuclear Medicine (핵의학 체내검사 업무 단계 별 피폭선량 측정 및 분석을 통한 피폭선량 감소 방안)

  • Kil, Sang-Hyeong;Lim, Yeong-Hyeon;Park, Kwang-Youl;Jo, Kyung-Nam;Kim, Jung-Hun;Oh, Ji-Eun;Lee, Sang-Hyup;Lee, Su-Jung;Jun, Ji-Tak;Jung, Eui-Ho
    • The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.26-32
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    • 2010
  • Purpose: It is to find the way to minimize occupationally exposed dose for workers in vivo tests in each working stage within the range of the working environment which does not ruin the examination and the performance efficiency. Materials and Methods: The process of the nuclear tests in vivo using a radioactive isotope consists of radioisotope distribution, a radioisotope injection ($^{99m}Tc$, $^{18}F$-FDG), and scanning and guiding patients. Using a measuring instrument of RadEye-G10 gamma survey meter (Thermo SCIENTIFIC), the exposure doses in each working stage are measured and evaluated. Before the radioisotope injection the patients are explained about the examination and educated about matters that require attention. It is to reduce the meeting time with the patients. In addition, workers are also educated about the outside exposure and have to put on the protected devices. When the radioisotope is injected to the patients the exposure doses are measured due to whether they are in the protected devices or not. It is also measured due to whether there are the explanation about the examination and the education about matters that require attention or not. The total exposure dose is visualized into the graph in using Microsoft office excel 2007. The difference of this doses are analyzed by wilcoxon signed ranks test in using SPSS (statistical package for the social science) program 12.0. In this case of p<0.01, this study is reliable in the statistics. Results: It was reliable in the statistics that the exposure dose of injecting $^{99m}Tc$-DPD 20 mCi in wearing the protected devices showed 88% smaller than the dose of injecting it without the protected devices. However, it was not reliable in the statistics that the exposure dose of injecting $^{18}F$-FDG 10 mCi with wearing protected devices had 26% decrease than without them. Training before injecting $^{99m}Tc$-DPD 20 mCi to patient made the exposure dose drop to 63% comparing with training after the injection. The dose of training before injecting $^{18}F$-FDG 10 mCi had 52% less then the training after the injection. Both of them were reliable in the statistics. Conclusion: In the examination of using the radioisotope $^{99m}Tc$, wearing the protected devices are more effective to reduce the exposure dose than without wearing them. In the case of using $^{18}F$-FDG, reducing meeting time with patients is more effective to drop the exposure dose. Therefore if we try to protect workers from radioactivity according to each radioisotope characteristic it could be more effective and active radiation shield from radioactivity.

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Clinical Analysis of Children with Transitory Minimal Change Nephrotic Syndrome (MCNS) to Focal Segmental Glomerulosclerosis (FSCS) (미세변화형 신증후군(MCNS)으로부터 국소성 분절성 사구체 경화증(FSGS)으로 이행된 환아의 임상양상)

  • Lee Ji Eun;Yook Jinwon;Lee Eui Seong;Kim Ji Hong;Kim Pyung-Kil;Chung Hyun Joo
    • Childhood Kidney Diseases
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.17-24
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    • 2000
  • Purpose: MCNS is found in approximately $85\%$ of the idiopathic nephrotic syndrome in children and shows good prognosis with initial steroid therapy. However in FSGS, there is poor prognosis with initial therapy and shows higher rate of progression to chronic renal failure and relapse after kindney transplantation. We have experienced 8 patients who were diagnosed as MCNS on initial renal biopsy and then progressed to FSGS on follow-up biopsy. So we have investigated their clinical course and risk factors for transition of MCNS to FSGS. Methods: We conducted a retrospective study with a review of histopathologic findings and clinical manifestations of 296 cases of MCNS and FSGS that were diagnosed from January 1988 to May 1999. We classified them into 3 groups according to the histopathologic finding; MCNS, FSGS, MCNS progressed to FSGS in follow-up biopsy. Results: The number of children was 296 cases comprising 241 cases($81.4\%$) showing MCNS, 8 cases($2.7\%$) transition group, 47 cases($15.9\%$) FSGS. The mean onset age was $6.0{\pm}2.6$years in MCNS, transition group $8.3{\pm}2.3$years, FSGS $7.2{\pm4.3$years, and the gender (M:F) ratio was 3.7:1 in MCNS, 3:1 in transition group, 1.8:1 in FSGS. Comparing the presence of initial hematuria, hypertension,24 hour urine protein, serum albumin, serum creatinine, there were significant difference between the transition group and the FSGS group in the following points; 24hour urine protein $684:342mg/m^2/hr$(P<0.05), serum albumin 1.92: 2.47g/dL(P<0.05), serum cholesterol 494:343mg/dL(P<0.05). Refractoriness to steroid therapy was 13.3$\%$ in MCNS. $12.5\%$ in transition group, $29.6\%$ in FSGS; significantly higher in FSGS(P<0.05). Immunosuppressant therapy was performed in $58.5\%$ of MCNS, $100\%$ in transition group, $80.8\%$ in FSGS; transition group showed significantly higher .ate(P<0.05) comparing with MCNS. Mean number of relapse and duration from onset to first relapse showed no significance difference between these groups. Conclusion: 249 patients with MCNS have been followed and $3.2\%$ (8 patients) of them has shown change in pathologic diagnosis from MCNS to FSCS. The risk factor for transition could not be found. Our results point to the need for a follow-up biopsy to certify the possibility of transition to FSCS in some MCNS cases with refractory cases to steroid therepy, frequent relapsing cases, or in case of no remission in spite of vigorous immunosuppressant therapy.

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Effect of the Changing the Lower Limits of Normal and the Interpretative Strategies for Lung Function Tests (폐기능검사 해석에 정상하한치 변화와 새 해석흐름도가 미치는 영향)

  • Ra, Seung Won;Oh, Ji Seon;Hong, Sang-Bum;Shim, Tae Sun;Lim, Chae Man;Koh, Youn Suck;Lee, Sang Do;Kim, Woo Sung;Kim, Dong-Soon;Kim, Won Dong;Oh, Yeon-Mok
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.61 no.2
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    • pp.129-136
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    • 2006
  • Background: To interpret lung function tests, it is necessary to determine the lower limits of normal (LLN) and to derive a consensus on the interpretative algorithm. '0.7 of LLN for the $FEV_1$/FVC' was suggested by the COPD International Guideline (GOLD) for defining obstructive disease. A consensus on a new interpretative algorithm was recently achieved by ATS/ERS in 2005. We evaluated the accuracy of '0.7 of LLN for the $FEV_1$/FVC' for diagnosing obstructive diseases, and we also determined the effect of the new algorithm on diagnosing ventilatory defects. Methods: We obtained the age, gender, height, weight, $FEV_1$, FVC, and $FEV_1$/FVC from 7362 subjects who underwent spirometry in 2005 at the Asan Medical Center, Korea. For diagnosing obstructive diseases, the accuracy of '0.7 of LLN for the $FEV_1$/FVC' was evaluated in reference to the $5^{th}$ percentile of the LLN. By applying the new algorithm, we determined how many more subjects should have lung volumes testing performed. Evaluation of 1611 patients who had lung volumes testing performed as well as spirometry during the period showed how many more subjects were diagnosed with obstructive diseases according to the new algorithm. Results: 1) The sensitivity of '0.7 of LLN for the $FEV_1$/FVC' for diagnosing obstructive diseases increased according to age, but the specificity was decreased according to age; the positive predictive value decreased, but the negative predictive value increased. 2) By applying the new algorithm, 34.5% (2540/7362) more subjects should have lung volumes testing performed. 3) By applying the new algorithm, 13% (205/1611) more subjects were diagnosed with obstructive diseases; these subjects corresponded to 30% (205/681) of the subjects who had been diagnosed with restrictive diseases by the old interpretative algorithm. Conclusion: The sensitivity and specificity of '0.7 of LLN for the $FEV_1$/FVC' for diagnosing obstructive diseases changes according to age. By applying the new interpretative algorithm, it was shown that more subjects should have lung volumes testing performed, and there was a higher probability of being diagnosed with obstructive diseases.

A Study on Dietary Behavior of Chinese Consumers Segmented by Dietary Lifestyle (중국 현지 소비자들의 식생활 라이프스타일 세분화에 따른 식행동 연구)

  • Oh, Ji Eun;Yoon, Hei-Ryeo
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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    • v.32 no.5
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    • pp.383-393
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    • 2017
  • This study was conducted to analyze the dietary lifestyle of local Chinese consumers and to classify dietary characteristics according to their dietary lifestyle factors and dietary behaviors. This investigation was conducted for 1 month from 1 January 2017 targeting 300 adult males and females living in China using the online survey company surveymonkey. Four factors relating to dietary lifestyle were identified, gourmet factor, healthy factor, convenience factor and economic factor, and these were grouped into 4 clusters according to their dietary lifestyle factor scores. Group 1, the gourmet economy group, showed a high percentage of living alone and a high frequency of eating out, but a relatively low percentage of three regular meals per day. Their dietary lifestyle was sensitive to gourmet factors and economic factors, but less sensitive to health and convenience factors. Group 2, the wide interest group, contained a high percentage of individuals in their 30s, as well as more highly educated individuals and a higher income than other groups. Because their dietary lifestyle scores tended to be higher than those of other groups, they sought a variety of new foods and gourmet meals for enjoyment of dining and life, as well as well-being food materials and foods related to health. Group 3, the health economic group, constituted a family-type consumer group with lower income level than the other groups. Members of this group were seeking health food and natural food in their dietary lifestyle and tended to pursue a high economic profit ratio when purchasing food. Finally, group 4 showed a relatively higher percentage of women over 30 and individuals with a college level or higher education than the other groups. This group was more interested in health and taste than price and convenience, and showed the highest LOHAS orientation among middle aged Chinese women. Moreover, members of this group directly utilized their knowledge regarding nutrition in real life.

Bladder Preserving Treatment in Patients with Muscle Invasive Bladder Cancer (근침윤성 방광암 환자의 방광 보존적 치료 결과)

  • Yu, Jeong-Il;Oh, Dong-Ryol;Huh, Seung-Jae;Choi, Han-Yong;Lee, Hyon-Moo;Jeon, Seong-Soo;Yim, Ho-Young;Kim, Won-Suk;Lim, Do-Hoon;Ahn, Yong-Chan;Park, Won
    • Radiation Oncology Journal
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.70-78
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    • 2007
  • [ $\underline{Purpose}$ ]: This study analyzed the tumor response, overall survival, progression free survival and related prognostic factors in patients with muscle invasive bladder cancer subjected to bladder preserving treatment. $\underline{Materials\;and\;Methods}$: Between August 1995 and June 2004, 37 patients with muscle invasive (transitional cell carcinoma, clinically stage T2-4) bladder cancer were enrolled for the treatment protocol of bladder preservation. There were 33 males and 4 females, and the median age was 67 years (range $38{\sim}86\;years$). Transurethral resection of the bladder (TURB) was performed in 17 patients who underwent complete resection. The median radiation dose administered was 64.8 Gy (range $55.8{\sim}67\;Gy$). The survival rate was calculated by the Kaplan-Meier method. $\underline{Results}$: An evaluation of the response rate was determined by abdomen-pelvic CT and cystoscopy at three months after radiotherapy. A complete response was seen in 17 patients (46%). The survival rate at three years was 54.7%, with 54 months of median survival (range $3{\sim}91$ months). During the study, 17 patients died and 13 patients had died from bladder cancer. The progression free survival rate at three years was 37.2%. There were 24 patients (64.9%) who had disease recurrence: 16 patients (43.2%) had local recurrence, 6 patients (16.2%) had a distant recurrence, and 2 patients (5.4%) had both a local and distant recurrence. The survival rate (p=0.0009) and progression free survival rates (p=0.001) were statistically significant when compared to the response rate after radiotherapy. $\underline{Conclusion}$: The availability of complete TURB and appropriate chemoradiotherapy were important predictors for bladder preservation and survival.

The Definition of Outer Space and the Air/Outer Space Boundary Question (우주의 법적 지위와 경계획정 문제)

  • Lee, Young-Jin
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.30 no.2
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    • pp.427-468
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    • 2015
  • To date, we have considered the theoretical views, the standpoint of states and the discourse within the international community such as the UN Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space(COPUOS) regarding the Air/Outer Space Boundary Question which is one of the first issues of UN COPUOS established in line with marking the starting point of Outer Space Area. As above mentioned, discussions in the United Nations and among scholars of within each state regarding the delimitation issue often saw a division between those in favor of a functional approach (the functionalists) and those seeking the delineation of a boundary (the spatialists). The spatialists emphasize that the boundary between air and outer space should be delimited because the status of outer space is a type of public domain from which sovereign jurisdiction is excluded, as stated in Article 2 of Outer Space Treaty. On the contrary art. I of Chicago Convention is evidence of the acknowledgement of sovereignty over airspace existing as an international customary law, has the binding force of which exists independently of the Convention. The functionalists, backed initially by the major space powers, which viewed any boundary demarcation as possibly restricting their access to space, whether for peaceful or non-military purposes, considered it insufficient or inadequate to delimit a boundary of outer space without obvious scientific and technological evidences. Last more than 50 years there were large development in the exploration and use of outer space. But a large number states including those taking the view of a functionalist have taken on a negative attitude. As the element of location is a decisive factor for the choice of the legal regime to be applied, a purely functional approach to the regulation of activities in the space above the Earth does not offer a solution. It seems therefore to welcome the arrival of clear evidence of a growing recognition of and national practices concerning a spatial approach to the problem is gaining support both by a large number of States as well as by publicists. The search for a solution to the problem of demarcating the two different legal regimes governing the space above Earth has undoubtedly been facilitated and a number of countries including Russia have already advocated the acceptance of the lowest perigee boundary of outer space at a height of 100km. As a matter of fact the lowest perigee where space objects are still able to continue in their orbiting around the earth has already been imposed as a natural criterion for the delimitation of outer space. This delimitation of outer space has also been evidenced by the constant practice of a large number of States and their tacit consent to space activities accomplished so far at this distance and beyond it. Of course there are still numerous opposing views on the delineation of a outer space boundary by space powers like U.S.A., England, France and so on. Therefore, first of all to solve the legal issues faced by the international community in outer space activities like delimitation problem, there needs a positive and peaceful will of international cooperation. From this viewpoint, President John F. Kennedy once described the rationale behind the outer space activities in his famous "Moon speech" given at Rice University in 1962. He called upon Americans and all mankind to strive for peaceful cooperation and coexistence in our future outer space activities. And Kennedy explained, "There is no strife, ${\ldots}$ nor any international conflict in outer space as yet. But its hazards are hostile to us all: Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation may never come again." This speech seems to even present us in the contemporary era with ample suggestions for further peaceful cooperation in outer space activities including the delimitation of outer space.

A Study on the Landscape Philosophy of Hageohwon Garden (별업 하거원(何去園) 원림에 투영된 조영사상 연구)

  • Shin, Sang-Sup;Kim, Hyun-Wuk;Kang, Hyun-Min
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.46-56
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    • 2012
  • The research results of tracing the Landscape Philosophy of Hageowon garden(何去園) in Musu-dong, Daejon of Youhwadang, Kwon, Iijin(權以鎭, 1668-1734) is as below. The ideological background of the protagonist reflected in Hageowon is the Hyoje Ideology(filial piety and brotherly love, 孝弟) of Sinjongchuwon(painstakingly caring for one's ancestors), Musil ideology(pursuing ethical diligence and truthful mind, 務實) based on sadistic tradition and ethical rationalism, Confucionist Eunil Ideology(ideology on seclusion, 隱逸) of Cheonghanjiyeon(quiet relaxation, 淸閒之燕), and the Pungryu ideology(appreciation for the arts, 風流) of Taoism in the Taoist style. Thus, by substituting these ideological values into a space called Hageowon, the Byulup gardens(別業) such as the Symbolic garden(象徵園), meaning gaeden(意園), and miniascape garden(縮景園) were able to be constructed. 2) The space organization system of Hageowon is generally classified into three phases considering the hierarchy. The first territory is the transitional space having residential features, which is an area to reach peach tree - road(Taoist world 桃經) from Youhwadang(有懷堂). The second territory is a monumental memorial space where the Yocheondae(繞千臺), Jangwoodam(丈藕潭), Hwagae(花階), and the ancestral graves take place, centering on the yards of Sumanheon(收漫軒), and the third territory is the secluded space in the eastern outer garden where the mountain stream flows from the north to south and which is the vein of the left-hand blue dragon(靑龍) of the guardian mountain of Hageowon. 3) Symbolically, the first phase has symbolized the space as a meaningful scenery by overlapping the Confucionist place of Youhwadang - Gosudae(孤秀臺) - Odeokdae(五德臺), and the mystic world of Jukcheondang(竹遷堂) - peach tree - road(桃徑). The second phase, which is the space of Sumanheon(收漫軒), Yocheondae, and Jangwoodam, the symbolical value of Sinjongchuwon(愼終追遠) and the remembrance and longing for one's parents are reflected. The third phase, which is the eastern outer garden of Hageowon and where the mountain stream flows from the north to south, is composed of the east valley(東溪) - Hwalsudam(活水潭) - Sumi Waterfall(修眉瀑布). More specifically, (1) Mongjeong symbolizes the life of gaining knowledge through studying to realize one's foolishness, (2) Hwalsudam symbolizes a transcending attitude in life refusing to pursue wealth and fame, and (3) Jangwoodam symbolizes the gateway to the fairyland to enter the world of mystic gods. 4) The rationale behind Hageowon is that the two algorithms of Confucionism and Taoist Theory appear repeatedly and in an overlapping way. The Napoji(納汚池) and Hwalsudam, which pertains to the prelude of space development, has symbolized Susimyangseong(修心養成, meditating one's mind and improving one's nature), which is based on ethical rationalism. Moreover, if the Monjeong sphere pertaining to the eastern outer garden of Hageowon takes the Confucionist value system as its theme, including moral training, studying, and researching, Jangwudam, Sumi Waterfalls, and Unwa can be understood as a taste of Cheokbyeon(滌煩, eliminating troubles) for the arts where the mystic world is substituted as a meaningful scenery. 5) The miniascape technique called artificial mountain was substituted to Hageowon to construct a mystic world like the 12 peaks of Mt. Mu(巫山). By borrowing the symbolic meaning expressed in old poems, it has been named 'Habang(1/何放), Hwabong(2, 3/和峯), Chulgun(4, 5, 6/出群), Sinwan(7/神浣), Chwhigyu(8, 9, 10/聚糾), Cheomyo(11/處杳), Giyung(12/氣融).' The representative poet reciting artificial mountain were Wangeui(汪醫), Nosamgang(魯三江), Dubo(杜甫), Hanyou(韓愈), Jeonheaseong(錢希聖), and Beomseokho(范石湖). They related themselves with literature by transcending time and space and attempted to sing about the richness of the mental world by putting the mystic world and culture of appreciating the arts they pursued in the vacation home called Hageowon.

A Study on Transition of Rice Culture Practices During Chosun Dynasty Through Old References IX. Intergrated Discussion on Rice (주요(主要) 고농서(古農書)를 통(通)한 조선시대(朝鮮時代)의 도작기술(稻作技術) 전개(展開) 과정(過程) 연구(硏究) - IX. 도작기술(稻作技術)에 대(對)한 종합고찰(綜合考察))

  • Guh, J.O.;Lee, S.K.;Lee, E.W.;Lee, H.S.
    • Korean Journal of Weed Science
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.70-79
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    • 1992
  • From the beginning of the chosun dynasty, an agriculture-first policy was imposed by being written farming books, for instance, Nongsajiksul, matched with real conditions of local agriculture, which provided the grounds of new, intensive farming technologies. This farming book was the collection of good fanning technologies that were experienced in rural farm areas at that time. According to Nongsajiksul, rice culture systems were divided into "Musarmi"(Water-Seeded rice), /"Kunsarmi"(dry-seeded rice), /transplanted rice and mountainous rice (upland rice) culture. The characteristics of these rice cultures with high technologies were based of scientific weeding methods, improved fertilization, and cultivation works using cattle power and manpower tools systematically. Reclamation of coastal swampy and barren land was possible in virtue of fire cultivation farming(火耕) and a weeding tool called "Yoonmok"(輪木). Also, there was an improved hoe to do weeding works as well as thinning and heaping-up of soil at seeding stages of rice. Direct-seeded rice culture in flat paddy fields were expanded by constructing the irrigation reservoirs and ponds, and the valley paddy fields was reclaimed by constructing "Boh(洑)". These were possible due to weed control by irrigation waters, keeping soil fertility by inorganic fertilization during irrigation, and increased productivity of rice fields by supplying good physiological conditions for rice. Also, labor-saving culture of rice was feasible by transplanting but in national-wide, rice should not basically be transplanted because of the restriction of water use. Thus, direct-seeded rice in dry soils was established, in which rice was direct-seeded and grown in dry soils by seedling stages and was grown in flooded fields when rained, as in the book "Nongsajiksul". During the middle of the dynasty(AD 1495-1725), the excellent labor-saving farmings include check-rowing transplanting because of weeding efficiency and availability in rice("Hanjongrok"), and, nurserybed techniques (early transplanting of rice) were emphasized on the basis of rice transplanting ["Nongajibsung"]. The techniques for deep plowing with cattle powers and for putting more fertilizers were to improve the productivity of labor and land, The matters advanced in "Sanlimkyungje" more than in "Nongajibsung" were, development of "drybed of rice nursery stock", like "upland rice nursery" today, transplanting, establishment of "winter barly on drained paddy field, and improvement of labor and land-productivity in rice". This resulted in the community of large-scale farming by changing the pattern of small-farming into the production system of rice management. Woo-hayoung(1741-1812) in his book "Chonilrok" tried to reform from large-scale farmings into intensive farmings, of which as eminent view was to divide the land use into transplanting (paddy) and groove-seeding methods(dry field). Especially as insisted by Seo-yugo ("Sanlimkyungjeji"), the advantages of transplanting were curtailment of weeding labors, good growth of rice because of soil fertility of both nurserybed and paddy field, and newly active growth because rice plants were pulled out and replanted. Of course, there were reestimation of transplanting, limitation of two croppings a year, restriction of "paddy-upland alternation", and a ban for large-scale farming. At that period, Lee-jiyum had written on rice farming technologies in dry upland with consider of the land, water physiology of rice, and convenience for weeding, and it was a creative cropping system to secure the farm income most safely. As a integrated considerations, the followings must be introduced to practice the improved farming methods ; namely, improvement of farming tools, putting more fertilizers, introduction of cultural technologies more rational and efficient, management of labor power, improvement of cropping system to enhance use of irrigation water and land, introduction of new crops and new varieties.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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