• Journal of Plant Biotechnology
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.228-235
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• 2019

Apple (Malus pumila) is one of the most economically important fruits in Korea. but virus infection has decreased the sustainable production of apples and caused serious problems such as yield loss and poor fruit quality. Virus or viroid infection including apple chlorotic leaf spot virus (ACLSV), apple stem pitting virus (ASPV), apple stem grooving virus (ASGV), apple mosaic virus (ApMV) and apple scar skin viroid (ASSVd) have been also reported in Korea. In many cases, as apple gets infected with virus and viroid with no specific symptoms, the damage and symptoms caused by the viruses are not detected. In our research, viruses in the rootstock were eliminated for a virus-free apple dwarfing rootstock of M.9 and M.26. The virus elimination methods were apical meristem culture, thermotherapy ($37^{\circ}C$, 6 weeks) and chemotherapy($Ribavirin^{(R)}$). The detection of apple viruses was accomplished by Enzyme-linked Immuno-Sorbent Assay (ELlSA) and reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR). RT- PCR method was 10 ~ 30% more sensitive than the ELISA method. The efficiency of virus elimination was enhanced in apical meristem culture method. The acquisition rate of virus-free apple dwarfing rootstocks was 30 ~ 40% higher in apical meristem culture. After the meristem culturing of M.9, the infection ratio of ACLSV, ASPV and ASGV was 45%, 60% and 50%, respectively. In the apple dwarfing rootstock of M.26, the infection ratio of ACLSV, ASPV and ASGV was 40%, 55% and 55%, respectively. Based on this study, the best method for the production of virus-free apple dwarfing rootstocks was the apical meristem culture.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.75-85
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to understand the vegetation characteristics of ridges (Gyeongsusan-Seonunsan-Gaeipalsan) in the Seonunsan Provincial Park and to establish reference information for the management of the park in the future. We designated 62 plots with the area of $100m^2$ were installed and analyzed them to investigate the vegetation characteristics. The results of community classification based on TWINSPAN showed seven categories of vegetation communities in the surveyed region: Quercus dentata-Deciduous broad-leaved Community, Quercus variabilis-Pinus thunbergii-Quercus serrata Community, Pinus densiflora Community, Deciduous broad-leaved Community-I, Carpinus tschonoskii-Castanea crenata-Quercus aliena Community, Deciduous broad-leaved Community-II, and Carpinus tschonoskii-Carpinus laxiflora Community. In the vegetation of Seonunsan Provincial Park, coniferous trees such as Pinus thunbergii and Pinus densiflora have been gradually losing their population as part of ecological succession to deciduous broad-leaved trees such as Quercus spp., Carpinus tschonoskii, and Carpinus laxiflora. Moreover, Carpinus turczaninowii, Mallotus japonicus, and others were identified as vegetation reflecting the geographical characteristics of the region neighboring the west coast. The estimated age is 30-60 years, and the oldest tree Pinus densiflora is 63-years old. The index of diversity ($100m^2$) was 0.7942 for Carpinus tschonoskii-Carpinus laxiflora Community, 0.8406 for Carpinus tschonoskii-Castanea crenata-Quercus aliena Community, 0.8543 for Quercus dentata-Deciduous broad-leaved Community, 0.9434 for Quercus variabilis-Pinus thunbergii-Quercus serrata Community, 0.9520 for Deciduous broad-leaved Community-I, 0.9633 for Pinus densiflora Community, and 1.0340 for Deciduous broad-leaved Community-II in the ascending order.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.168-191
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• 2021

This article examines the shape, iconography, and creation date of the Four Buddhist Heavenly Kings (Sacheonwang 四天王) enshrined in the Heavenly Kings' Gate (Cheonwangmun 天王門) of Hoeamsa in Yangju, Gyeonggi Province during the early Joseon Dynasty. First, small fragments of clay decoration excavated from a fourth-platform gate site of the Hoeamsa Temple Site in Yangju Gyeonggi Province were analyzed and compared to other Four Heavenly Kings enshrined in the (Cheonwangmun gates) during the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, the size and shape of the gate were compared to other Cheonwangmun gates constructed during the Joseon Dynasty. Results revealed that the excavated fragments were part of the armor of Sacheonwang, and the clay-standing statues enshrined in the fourth-platform gate of Hoeamsa Temple would be proportional in size to those of Beopjusa Temple in Boeum, South Chungcheong Province. The flame-type pieces, which decorated the Heavenly King's crown in the Joseon Dynasty, and the rectangular-type pieces were not found in artifacts from the Goryeo Dynasty. Therefore, the Sacheonwang sculptures of the Hoeamsa Temple were likely made in the late 15th century in the early Joseon Dynasty. A detailed iconography of the Sacheonwang of Hoeamsa is presumedly based on the Buddhist paintings and illustrations of Buddhist scriptures (Gyeongbyeonsangdo 經變相圖)from the late Goryeo and early Joseon. During the late Goryeo Dynasty and early Joseon Dynasty, Traditional iconography from Goryeo and new iconography from Ming coexisted. However, in the late 15th century, the Sacheonwang statues of the early Joseon Dynasty had many different elements from those of the Goryeo Dynasty and were similar to those enshrined in Cheonwangmun Gate during the Joseon Dynasty. The Four Heavenly Kings of Hoeamsa Temple, believed to have been produced in the late 15th century, has historical significance in the following points. They were the first Joseon Sacheonwang statues example enshrined in the Cheonwangmun gate. In addition, they were established as a new tradition that influenced the iconography of the Four Heavenly Kings during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.28 no.5
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• pp.492-506
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• 2019

Heavy metal contaminants in the shooting range are mostly present in a warhead circle or a metal fragment present as a particle, these fine metal particles are weathered for a long period of time is very likely that the surface is present as an oxide or carbon oxide. In particular, lead which is a representative contaminant in the shooting range soil, is present as more fine particles because it increases the softness and is stretched well. Therefore, by physical washing experiment, we conducted a degree analysis, concentration of heavy metals by cubic diameter, composition analysis of metallic substances, and assessment of applicability of gravity, magnetism and floating selection. The experimental results FESEM analysis and the measurement results lead to the micro-balance was confirmed thatthe weight goes outless than the soil ofthe same size in a thinly sliced and side-shaped structure according to the dull characteristics it was confirmed that the high specific gravity applicability. In addition, the remediation efficiency evaluation results using a hydrocyclone applied to this showed a cumulative remediation efficiency of 71%,twice 80%, 3 times 91%. On the other hand, magnetic sifting showed a low efficiency of 17%,floating selection -35mesh (0.5mm)target soil showed a relatively high efficiency to 39% -10mesh (2mm) efficiency was only 16%. The target treatment diameter of soil washing should be 2mm to 0.075mm, which is applied to the actual equipment by adding an additional input classification, which would require management as additional installation costs and processes are constructed. As a result, it is found that the soilremediation of shooting range can be separately according to the size of the warhead. The size is larger than the gravel diameter to most 5.56mm, so it is possible to select a specific gravity using a high gravity. However, the contaminants present in the metal fragments were found to be processed by separating using a hydrocyclone of the soil washing according to the weight is less than the soil of the same particle size in a thinly fragmented structure.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.465-488
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• 2016

This paper attempts to read in different ways and to interpret newly on Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa in "Sam-guk-yu-sa". Ulsan have held Cheoyong Cultural Festival for 47 times according to "Sam-guk-yu-sa". However, there have been a frequent identity crisis about Cheoyong Cultural Festival because of controversial issue about Cheoyong, This paper interpretate Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa newly to overcome these crisis, Cheoyong's dancing and retreating was not the resignation and tolerance, but the treat and warning, as the dance of Namsansin god of Posukjeong, Buk-acksin god of Keumkangryung and Jisin god of Dongryejeon was the warning of Silla's ruination. 'The Mhang' of Mhang-he-sa temple should be interpreted not as 'watch' but 'fifteen days'. Mhang-he means the roads buried in darkness and vanished had become a sea. The name of Shin-bhang-sa temple means Gae-un-po province of Ulsan had become 'the newly purified region' because of the inspection of King Heon-ghang. The main keyword of Cheoyongrang mhang-hae-sa is 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung' means to repel the impious and pray the pleasure. The purpose of the personal Gut and national Gut, Narae, was also 'Byuk-sa-jin-gyung'. The reinvented bridal room with a fresh life was like the world of Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. The dance of God Sa-bhang was, as well the desperate desire to New Silla. Cheoyong was a shaman with a superior authority who set up the power to foresee to the god of smallpox. The image of Cheoyong at is not the resignation and tolerance, but the foresight and authority. Therefore, the slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival, the resignation and tolerance, should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung. Cheoyong Cultural Festival, have been held for 49times, often had identity problems. The identity of Cheoyong have been misinterpreted as the resignation and tolerance. The slogan of Cheoyong Cultural Festival should be reexamined. The new Cheoyong Cultural Festival should adopt the concept of foresight and authority and Byuk-sa-jin-gyung.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.47-80
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• 2018

The traditional laws of Korea have undergone various stages of development over time. This includes the voluntary standards of the clean society. Korea's traditional legal systems, ranging from those of the Goryeo(高麗) to those of the Republic of Korea, have taken Confucian Phiosophy as their major ideological bases. At the center of these Confucian ideals, particularly in regards to pre-Qin Confucian Philosophy(先秦儒家思想) from where these ideals originated, lie the core ideals which emphasize the responsibility of each individual regardless of the social status(正名), the needs for a democracy in which people are empower and guide the state(民本), the importance of reigning with benevolence, moral excellence, and rite (仁義), and the differential love centered on kinship and humanity(親親愛人). These were the ideas as set forth by Confucius(孔子), Mencius(孟子) and Xun Zi(荀子). The current laws of Korea, especially in regards to the Constitution and the Civil and Criminal Laws, include a number of provisions that contain the Confucian Ideas of Law. The Constitution, in particular, which is also supported by the judgement of the Constitution Court, reflects several core Confucian ideals including filial duty (孝) and respect for ascendants and the traditional culture. The Court also suggested the two important standards of the constitutional legitimacy of the Traditional Culture. One is 'Age Compatibility (時代 適合性)', the other is 'Manifested Universally Validity(現在的 普遍妥當性)'. So we have burdened with the reestablishment of the Universal Ethics of the Confucian Ideology.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.215-254
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• 2017

In the study of divining art, Hoche(互體) plays vital roles in the composition of Goaes(卦) and interpretation of Sutras, but the reality is that the research effort for Hoche has been poor along with the perception of its utilization. This study set out to investigate connections among Bongoae(本卦), Hoche, and Hoche of Hoche(Hohoche互互體) and thus shed new light on the importance of Hoche in the composition and interpretation of Yi. 64 Goaes belong to 16 Hoches, which should belong to 4 Hoches. 4 Hoches Jungcheongeon(重天乾), Jungjigon(重地坤), Suhwagije(水火旣濟), and Hwasumije (火水未濟). That is, one can make 6 Hoikgoaes(劃卦) by extracting Hoche from the 6 Hoikgoaes comprised of Hoche of Bongoae, and they converge on 4 Goaes of Geon (乾), Gon(坤), Gije(旣濟), and Mije(未濟). The present study named Hoche of Hoche Hohoche and argued that there should be some consistent connections in the interpretation of meanings of these 4 Hohoche Goaes and their respective Hoches and Bongoaes. Focusing on the discovery of common meanings among the Hoches and Bongoaes of "Danjeon(彖傳)" and" Daesangjeon(大象傳)" of Hohoche. Book of Changes begin with Jungcheongeon and Jungjigon and end with Suhwagije and Hwasumije. The Hohoche of 64 Goaes(卦) are concluded into these 4 Goaes, which indicates that the 4 Goaes have supervision over beginning and ending and that all the Goaes between them operate within the categories of 4 Goaes. The content of "Danjeon" and "Daesangjeon" in Hohoche holds certain semantic connections in the interpretation of Hoche and Bongoae restored to Hohoche and points to the directionality of the interpretation. Those findings open a window for investigating Hoche with the core principle of Goae formation in Book of Changes and imply that Hoche holds important significance in the interpretation of the Book.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.119-149
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• 2018

Le 樂 is important in Politics of the Kings. It is the same in Nothern Song period(北宋). There was an argument about Le 樂 and Lu 律 in Nothern Song Period. Those who argued were Fan-Jin(范鎭) and Sima-Guang(司馬光). They argued for 30 years. Fan-Jin insists that a standard of weights and measures is Lu and a standard of Lu is the fundamental tone of twelvenotes scale, Hwang-Jong 黃鍾. On the other hand, Sima-Guang insists that a standard of Lu is weights and measures and a standard of Le is Equilibrium and Harmony, Zonghe 中和. Fan-Jin thinks it is possible to restore a Sage King's music through the right standard of Lu. But Sima-Guang thinks it is impossible. Sima-Guang believes that the only way to restore a Sage King's music is to complete Zonghe. And Fan-Jin thinks Zonghe is the work of the king whereas Sima-Guang thinks Zonghe is the order of man and everything. The key point in the argument is Lu and Zonghe. Fan-Jin regards Lu as the basis of music, whereas Sima-Guang regards Zonghe as the basis of music. Lu is a tangible law and Zonghe is a intangible law. Although the argument between the two ended in a stalemate, the argument shows the difference between the scholars at the time.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.197-222
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• 2009

In this treatise, the researcher closely examined the I-Xue(易學) compiled and edited by YulGok(栗谷) with a focus on the concept, namely Communication(疏通). I-Xue(易學) compiled by YulGok(栗谷) adopted the discourses of I-Xue(易學) or changes in the Song Dynasty of ancient China, and engrafted his own logics, dubbed Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙), thereunto. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) expresses a state of exchanging information and Communication(疏通), and, at this time, Communication(疏通) encompasses not only the meaning of communication between two heterogeneous factors but also the broader meaning of Communication(疏通) that embrace the Communication(疏通) between heaven and human beings. In his theories in relation to Tiyongyiyuan(體用一源) and Heluoxiangshulun(河洛象數論), YulGok(栗谷) also applied the logic of Communication(疏通). Although YulGok(栗谷) admits the general theory that substance and function have the same source, which understands principle and phenomenon as two forms of existence, he tried to place emphasis more on the aspect of Communication(疏通) by interpreting Li(理) and Xiang(象) in terms of the issues concerned with Li(理) and Jian(踐). In his theory concerned with Magic Squares and Circles, Images and Numbers, such a standpoint is being applied likewise. By emphasizing the fact that Hetu("河圖") may turn out to be Luoshu("洛書"), and vice versa, YulGok(栗谷) stressed that there are communicative relations that are required in order to communicate ideas to one another. In YulGok(栗谷)'s I-Xue(易學), the logic of Communication(疏通) is culminated with the discourse of Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與). YulGok(栗谷), in his book Ishuce(易數策), uses such expression as Tianrenjiaoyuzhimiao(天人交與之?), and, at this time, he used this expression bearing Liqizhimiao(理氣之妙) in mind. The reason for using the expression, such as Jiaoyu(交與), in lieu of Heyi(合一) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to emphasize such relations as that heaven and humans are required for interrelated relationship. Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is an expression to indicate the close relationship between heaven and human beings, meanwhile, however, YulGok(栗谷) puts more emphasis on human efforts than those that of heaven. The reason for introducing human as the subjective figure in the Tianrenjiaoyu(天人交與) is that YulGok(栗谷) tried to stress practical efforts of humans.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.93-126
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• 2009

This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.